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Press Release
NPP
22nd
August 2013
“THE NEW PATRIOTIC PARTY (NPP)
AND THE DEEPENING OF THE DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND PRACTICE
IN GHANA”
A PAPER DELIVERED @ THE PARTY’S 21ST ANNIVERSARY LECTURE @
THE OSU PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH HALL ON THURSDAY 22ND AUGUST 2013
BY HON. PROF. MIKE OQUAYE
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Propaganda
The pre-independence politics was politics of lies in many ways.
In a typical example, lies were spread that the Leaders of our
tradition did not want independence. They had coined the
expression “shortest possible time” to deceive the people and
Nkrumah would bring self government “now”! the CPP manufactured
the lie that J.B. Danquah had connived with the British to dvert
the attention of the youth from politics to sports; and that is
why Danquah had conspired to bring Sydney Abraham from UK to
promote sports in Ghana.
These and other lies became the backbone of the CPP propaganda
machine. Propaganda in politics means the manipulation and
application of falsehood to look like truth for political
advantage. This method was applied by the NDC to win election
2008. This was in addition to other false methods employed.
Suffice to mention the Fiifi Kwetey’s allegation that President
Kufuor had stolen all the gold from Bank of Ghana. They also
circulated supposed monies held in Prudential Bank by NPP
Ministers which totaled more than the reserves held in the Bank
of Ghana. Sad to recount, people believed them.
What do we do about propaganda? As early as 1954, our
progenitors had a debate on whether to have a Propaganda
Secretary as the CPP. They firmly decided on the purity of
Ghanaian politics. They affirmed that we should remain clean and
as the people got enlightened we will always remain their party
of preference.
No wonder Nana Akufo-Addo wants free education and some people
who have benefited from free education do not want it. But truth
and goodness will prevail.
Lessons
The 1969 Elections saw a revival of the Danquah-Busia-Dombo
tradition. Ghana would never have been where it is now but for
the baseless and reckless Acheampong coup.
The 1979 Elections where we lost to the Nkrumalist Party led by
Dr. Hilla Limann taught the Danquah-Busia-Dombo Tradition a
bitter lesson- “United We Stand; Divide We Fall.” Some of our
leaders formed the United National Convention (UNC) led by
William Ofori-Atta (Paa Willie). This divided our votes, and the
People’s National Party (PNP) went through with far less votes
than that of PFP and UNC put together.
I believe we have learnt our lessons and those who forget
themselves and pursue divisive agendas should be well advised as
we celebrate our tradition.
Notably, in 1992 when Ghana was returning to party politics, a
number of the members of the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ)
who were from the CPP and other traditions wanted that Prof. Adu
Boahen should lead a broad coalition to fight Rawlings. Adu
Boahen, then the most popular opposition politician refused to
do anything that would break the Danquah-Busia-Dombo front. He
told them all: “now the party is over; let everybody go home.”
Prof said to me: “The mistake of 1979 should never be repeated.
We should organize and compete from the UGCC perspective”. I
respected him for this and learnt from him.
The 1992 Election
This was the election in which the verdict was stolen. Indeed,
it was broad daylight robbery. The total circumstances did not
allow us to go to Court then. But we wrote our monumental book
and we demanded electoral reforms as a pre-condition for taking
part in any future elections. We boycotted the Parliamentary
Elections that followed.
If we had allowed ourselves to be led as sheep to the slaughter
without reforms, we could never have won a nation-wide
Presidential election. We could win very few strongholds and be
cheated throughout Ghana. The fraud of 1992 included the
following:
i) There were no ID cards and before a registered voter got to
the station, a procured voter had voted in his/her name already.
No protestation could change the situation.
ii) The ballot boxes were wooden. No one inspected them before
polls began.
iii) Thumprinted ballot boxes were found in many places and
homes on election Day and reported to the police.
iv) Pre-programming of results.
v) Arrest of NPP executives and polling agents.
vi) Votes were not counted on the spot but conveyed to centers
and counted under PNDC control.
vii) Commandoes and cadres were fully in control of the process
and intimidation was galore.
viii) Cadres, Soldiers et al, directed people how to vote.
ix) Our people were beaten and injured and they fled for their
lives.
x) There was over-voting galore. Indeed, the PNDC could stuff in
votes as they pleased.
xi) Many places were no-go areas for the NPP. Ballot boxes were
placed down; people danced around them and voted as they
pleased.
xii) There was plenty evidence of multiple voting and
non-signature of the Results Forms.
xiii) INEC itself, most members of which came from PNDC
background was heavily compromised.
Certain consequences flowed from above which resulted of the
wisdom of our leaders.The Stolen Verdict was written and donors
were engaged. This resulted in electoral reforms which included
the following:
• Voter ID cards which later came to include black and white
photos and later on, coloured photos.
• Transparent ballot boxes.
• Poling agents who would stand close to the voting area not
seated somewhere at the periphery.
• Votes to be counted at polling stations and announced on the
spot.
• Votes were not to be carried to the collation centres before
polling station results announced.
• Collation centres were only to put together what had been
announced at the polling stations in the presence of voters, and
then the totals announced as per the documented on recorded
votes. This was the beginning of the system which have graduated
into pink sheets of today.
These and other reforms came from the demands and protestation
of the Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition.
The second main devise employed by leadership became known as
“Opposition Outside Parliament”. Our brilliant men and women
were put in committees akin to what exists in Parliament. They
analysed issues; they debated issues; a very matter presented in
Parliament was replied in terms of the NPP alternative and the
public saw our alternatives as better and more cogent. The
popularity of the party soared.
Third, the 1992 Constitution itself was tested in the Courts and
the law was employed to enhance the horizons of human rights,
liberty and the Rule of Law. Nana Addo-Dankwa Akufo-Addo was a
shining star in the process. Peter Ala Adjetey gathered some of
us around him. Prof. Adu Boahen was the “essential plaintiff” in
many cases because even though our cases were in the name of the
Party, he was the driving force who insisted on processes being
filed and pursued. B.J. da Rocha and Odoi Sykes gave very good
guidance.
In all theses, the show boy was Akufo-Addo. Among others, the 31
December holiday and its celebration was cancelled by the
Supreme Court. The rights to demonstrate was affirmed and
protestations against the regime, unprecedented in the political
history of Ghana were witnessed. The Danquah-Busia-Dombo
tradition had won a sweet victory by constitutional means.
We must note that the elections of 1979 took place because
General Afrifa, Adu Boahen, Nana Akufo-Addo and others of our
tradition teamed up with other lovers of freedom under the
People’s Movement for Freedom and Justice (PMFJ) to fight the
military rule of Acheampong.
The 2012 Election and After
Three main developments should be recounted:
i) The deepening of internal party democracy
ii) Biometric registration and biometric verification
iii) The Supreme Court Case
Internal Party democracy
The 1992 Constitution of Ghana requires that political parties
should adhere to democratic principles in their internal
organization. It also means that the process should be devoid of
corrupt practices including vote buying. It shall also be open
to the youth and women etc. In the Congress before the 2004
elections, certain complaints arose about lack of transparency
in some quarters etc. The party decided to enlarge the selection
process.
Internal party democracy requires that candidates should not be
hand-picked or chosen by proclamations such as the infamous
Swedru declaration. The level of participation in such choices
should be as broad as possible to satisfy the democratic maxim:
quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur – what concerns all must
be approved by all.
The NPP National Delegates Conference held on 22 August 2009
opened new frontiers for internal party democracy in Ghana and
Africa. It paved the way for the expansion of the Electoral
College for the selection of the NPP’s presidential candidate
from about 2,340 delegates to 115,000 delegates. This provision
was successfully implemented in July 2010.
It was the single most radical expansion in internal party
democracy in terms of participation in the selection of leaders.
It was a 4,700 percentage rise in the number of delegates.
Assuming that every person who voted for the NPP presidential
candidate had the chance of voting for the party’s flagbearer in
the 2008 presidential elections had the chance of choosing who
the next flagbearer would be, then one out of every 40 people
had the vote.
This new development was a giant step in deepening internal
party democracy. First, broader participation is itself a basic
democratic principle. Second, it brings the selection process to
the doorsteps of the people. Third, we no longer have to make
long trips to one point to choose a flagbearer. These trips are
costly and they impose several journey hazards. Fourth, the
influence of money on a few delegates, which have troubled the
Congresses of all political parties, is brought to a minimum. No
one can bribe delegates beyond a certain point. Fifth, since the
elections are held in the constituencies, the system helps to
reinforce the importance of the constituency and the grassroots
generally. Sixth, the large numbers constitute a due recognition
for the “footsoldiers” and others who constitute the local
workers for the party. Seventh, it is cheaper as voting is done
akin to a constituency meeting. No hotels etc. are required.
The participation of the Youth in the selective processes of our
political parties is a democratic issue of great concern. The
NPP success story brought more youth into the fold of
decision-makers. The impact of the recent development in the NPP
on youth participation in internal party politicking is
instructive.
According to Article 14 (b) of the NPP constitution, a “Youth”
is a Member who has not attained the age of forty (40) years. A
cursory sampling of the more than 114,000 NPP delegates makes
interesting reading.
It shows that over 50% of those tasked to elect the 2012
presidential candidate of the NPP were under the age of 40.
The youth of the NPP who form majority of the Polling Station
workers in the party have in the over the 18 years existence of
the NPP been sidelined in the selection of the party’s
flagbearer.
During the 2007 Congress of the NPP only ten (10) percent of
youth organizers in the NPP throughout the country had the
opportunity to vote since they were not selected by their
Chairmen as delegates. Now they all have the right to vote. The
majority of women organisers, organisers and secretaries are
equally youthful due to the expansion. This is a rejuvenative
infusion that augurs well for political participation and
internal democracy.
In the same vein, the expansion opened a wide avenue for women.
All women organisers are automatic delegates and they have
additional votes as chairpersons, organisers, secretaries and
youth organisers.
Biometric Registration and Biometric Verification
After the 2008 elections, the NPP had very good grounds to
suspect foul play. Our candidate conceded defeat, nevertheless,
most graciously. Behind the scenes, various forms of analysis
nevertheless commenced leading to the systematic demand for
biometric registration and verification. Persistent demands
culminated in various fora in which several leading members
participated.
The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) and the Danquah
Institute led by Gabby Otchere Darko featured prominently. Views
were sought globally. The author delivered papers at the Danquah
Institute, IEA etc. whereas the EC came to accept biometric
registration, it fiercely resisted biometric verification till
it eventually dawned on all that half measures are dangerous and
that what is biometrically registered should be biometrically
verified to have full effect, avoid impersonation etc and
sanitise the system.
Once more the Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition had led in search
for true democracy and good governance.
The Supreme Court Case
Following the flawed elections of 2012, the Presidential
Candidate of the NPP, his Vice Presidential Candidate and the
Chairman of the Party went to the Supreme Court under the 1992
Constitution. The essence of their claim was that there was
over-voting, voting without biometric verification,
non-signature of presiding officers, duplicate sheets and pink
sheets with same numbering. They pointed out that Nana
Akufo-Addo should have been validly declared president on
December 9, 2012 because he obtained 56.85% of the votes while
President Mahama had 41.79%.
The issues settled for trial were simply as follows:
i) Whether there were any Constitutional and legal violations,
irregularities, malpractices etc during the elections;
ii) If there were, whether they affected the elections.
We await the verdict of the Supreme Court before any futher
analysis. One thing is certain, however. A Supreme Court Judge
pronounced that certainly the electoral terrain will no longer
be the same after the verdict, no matter how it goes. Once more,
the Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition has shown its capacity to
dissect the most complicated electoral intrigues and help the
deepening of democracy in Ghana.
The Immediate Post-Election Future
If God should favourably smile on the Danquah-Busia-Dombo
tradition, our candidate Nana Addo-Dankwa Akufo-Addo will
quickly, effectively and honestly, continue with the good works
of President Kufour.
Nana Akufo-Addo has a clear well-chalked programme for the
socio-economic transformation of Ghana to take our dear nation
to the next level. He is convinced that by the prudent
management of the economy under his watch, by the avoidance of
waste, appropriate prioritisation of our goals, by eschewing
corruption, his vision of free SHS education for all Ghanaians
will be achieved. We shall soon see an era dubbed: Oil Money for
Free Education for all Ghanaians!
The Northern Development authority will be a reality to
transform Northern Ghana and the Savannah. When the take-off
arrives, Ghanaians will have a good opportunity to know who the
real friends of the North are as compared with recent guinea
fowl projects which are merely an instrument for fraud.
Unless the economy is transformed and oil money applied to
create business, wealth and deepen the volatile middle income
status, prosperity will elude us. The Tema Oil Refinery will
instantly receive a new lease of life and save us from rocketing
fuel prices and all attendant scarcities. The 22 mini-dams that
have been researched on will be given priority for local energy
and local irrigation, among others.
The Special Oil Fund will receive public scrutiny and priorities
re-defined. With transparency and accountability, create, loot
and share will be a thing of the past.
The future is bright.
Conclusion
In this presentation, we have looked at the significance of the
Danquah-Busia-Bombo Tradition in past and contemporary Ghanaian
politics.
When Prof Adu Boahen spoke against dictatorship at the British
Council Hall in 1988, he echoed the cry of our founders and
broke the Culture of Silence. This writer who accompanied Prof
Adu Boahen, his dear wife Mary and their driver to the British
Council Hall at great risk to life and limb, recollects the
resounding echo: “onipa nnye aboa” (human beings are not
animals) and “ti koro nko agyina” (one head cannot consult with
itself, meaning you need the minds of the many to rule a
nation). He belonged to the Danquah-Busia-Bombo tradition. But
he broke culture of silence for all Ghanaians.
This cry will continue to resonate in Ghana, whenever autocracy,
greed and cheating rear their ugly heads. And whenever the NPP
cries Development in Freedom we resound the innate catalyst
which releases the best attributes of humankind for development.
Ghana’s post-1992 constitutional order is a tribute to our
founding fathers. When we read even the provision for a Vice
President, we should remember that Kwame Nkrumah deliberately
omitted a Vice President in the 1960 Constitution. When we
recount that the legislative power of State is vested in only
Parliament, we should also remember that the 1960 Constitution
allowed Nkrumah to suspend Parliament and rule by Presidential
fiat whenever he (Nkrumah) alone felt it was in the national
interest (Article 55). Today, Parliament cannot legislate to
bring one-party state, introduce, PDA or withdraw our liberties.
The Akufo Addo 1969 Constitution brought this to Ghana. Indeed,
all the human rights provisions of 1992 Constitution were
borrowed from 1969 and the Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition should
be proud of themselves.
When Ghanaians read with sweet assurance that they have a legal
right to demonstrate, we should not be oblivious that this is
the result of the struggles of our tradition.
Thank you.
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References
[i]
Jibowu Commission of Enquiry Report P. 203-16.
[ii]Gold Coast Legislative Assembly Debate, 3 March 1954.
[iii]Bowdich, T. E.: Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee
(1819). Busia, K. A. The Position of the [iv]Chief in the Modern
Traditional System of Ashanti (1951)
[v]Oquaye, Mike. Politics In Ghana, 1972 – 79, Accra, Tonnedo
Publications, 1980.
[vi]2008 Manifesto of the New Patriotic Party
[vii]Austin Dennis, Politics in Ghana 1946-60, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1964
[viii]Oquaye, Mike. Politics in Ghana 1982-1992, Accra, Tornado
Publications, 200
[ix]Nkrumah, Kwame. Ghana: the Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah
,1975.
[x]Austin, Dennis. Politics in Ghana 1946-1960, Oxford, Oxford
Univ. Press, 1964, p428.
[xi]Wight, Martin. The Gold Coast Legislative Council, 1946.
Quoted from Austin, Dennis op.cit. P2
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