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The New Face of Parliament
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
The on-going public hearings at the Parliament of
Ghana’s Public Accounts Committee of how state
institutions have been spending Ghanaian tax payers’
money in the past fiscal year give the legislative body
a fresh and new face in view of the that there have been
some wrongly held view that Parliament is easily
manipulated by the Executive arm of government and
self-serving institutions. By tackling the public
perception that corruption is growing and accountability
low, Parliament is gradually neutralizing the public
feelings that it does not reflect genuinely the concerns
of Ghanaians.
Actually it is not true that 230-member Parliament isn’t
doing well, it is trying, as its website -
www.parliament.gh – and its public activities show, in
the face of numerous challenges such as lack of research
assistants, shortage of staff, effective communication
gears, offices for fuller legislative work, and many an
excessive demand from the constituents of Members of
Parliament. Despite these challenges, the Parliament of
Ghana has performed some superb legislative works such
as the passing of the controversial Domestic Violence
Bill that seeks to protect women against violence by
their partners or husbands. For sometime, Ghanaians have
seen their Parliament criminalize the dreaded cultural
practice of female genital mutilation, banned “trokosi,”
a cultural practice in some parts of the Volta, where
teenage girls are enslaved to shrines for sins committed
by their parents, decentralization of the Ghanaian
system, and the passing of the anti-corruption
legislation Whistle-Blowers Act in 2006.
Partisanship or not, rubber-stamp or not, while certain
work of Parliament doesn’t excite the public, because of
heads do not roll, others do, such as the on-going
Public Accounts Committee grilling of senior public
officials about how they have been spending public money
in a bid to encourage transparency and accountability in
the nascent democratic system. The idea is to enhance
governance by putting a searchlight on corruption (a key
destroyer of democracies), promote a culture of
maintenance, and fertilize accountability in a country
that was formerly a playground of military juntas,
autocrats and one-party apparatchiks where
accountability and transparency were virtually
non-existence and rule by impunity the norm - all this
under the cloud of culture of silence (or fear). Of the
50-year corporate existence of Ghana, according to
www.ghanaweb.com, there have been 21 years of military
juntas, 6 years of one-party regimes, and 16 years of
the on-going multiparty democratic system. And what has
generally defined these swinging systems is the degree
of accountability and transparency.
The relevance of the on-going democratic dispensation to
Parliament’s probity and transparency work is that in
the 21 years of its military regimes and 6 years of its
one-party governments, Ghana didn’t heard about any
report from its Auditor General. Even during President
Jerry Rawlings almost 20 years in power, which spans
both his military juntas and elected governments, with
its high sounding accountability, probity and
transparency campaigns, some of which came in the form
of executions of senior military officers for corrupt
practices, the Auditor General’s report that details the
degree of accountability and transparency of Ghanaian
public institutions was either never made public or
presented to Parliament for debate and scrutiny. This
makes today’s public cross-examination of head of public
institutions by the Parliamentary Public Accounts
Committee “not an indictment of government but an
attempt at promoting transparency in governance and
checking corruption,” as Presidential Spokesman Mr.
Andrews Awuni has indicated. This is despite the fact
that the ruling National Patriotic Party has 128 Members
of Parliament and the main opposition National
Democratic Party has 94.
Scrutinizing of heads of public departments and agencies
isn’t enough; Parliament has to broaden its
anti-corruption networks by encouraging state and
private anti-corruption ventures like Serious Fraud
Office, Ghana Integrity Initiative, and Ghana
Anti-Corruption Coalition. The Ghana Audit Service, a
key light of transparency and driver of its democracy,
is riddled with challenges such as staff performance and
logistics, and Parliament can use its immense democratic
weight for support from the private sector and the
international community to resolve this problem. For
while cultural, ethical, religious, moral and scientific
approaches have to be mixed and juggled constantly to
address corruption, the Parliament of Ghana, a symbol of
Ghana’s democracy and developmental reasoning, should be
reminded frequently where the country’s democracy had
come from and where the country’s progress is going.
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong, Canada,
October 20, 2007
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