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West Africa’s burdened democracy
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
Why democratic tussles
Democracy and freedoms are struggling in West
Africa, according to the U.S.-based Freedom House, a
non-partisan organization that monitors political
rights and civil-liberties worldwide. Its survey of
sub-Sahara Africa in its Freedom in the World 2009
concludes that there were more democratic barricades
than democratic growth in Africa, especially in West
Africa, where most African states are grouped. Only
Mali, Ghana, Cape Verde and Benin are democratically
“free” out of the 15 West African states surveyed.
Apart from Guinea that is ruled by military junta,
all the remaining 14 West African states are
democratic of some sorts – some under the shadow of
military coups and frightening tension. The degree
of democracies across the region is informed by
mindset, history, culture, and the nature of each
state’s elites. That makes Ghanaian democracy
slightly different from Burkina Faso’s. Added to
this is the fact that West Africa is the poorest
region in the world – with Sierra Leone as the
poorest country – and for some time the region was
the most unstable and frightening military
coups/one-party systems ridden area in Africa.
Against this background, the conviction, after much
trial and error, is that West Africa’s progress, as
a democratic act, rest with how “accountability to
the people, freedom of expression, rule of law and
human rights are incorporated into the fabric of
each nation,” said Freedom House.
Over time, despite the virtual commonality of
cultures across the region, the differences due to
geography, different histories have made democracies
in the region have different continuum. Despite
this, ECOWAS, the regional body, is strenuously
enforcing democratic enlargement. Ecowas’ rejecting
of the new military rulers of Guinea from its fold
is one; the other is proactively boxing in members
that appear to be veering off the democracy radar,
urging West African politicians to “demonstrate
courage and leadership” in the face of brittle
democracy and freedoms.
Once the play ground of thoughtless military juntas
and awful one-party systems, West Africa is
returning to its foundational democratic ethos,
moving away from authoritarianism that stifled its
progress.
Ghana, Mali, Cape Verde and Senegal are emerging as
serious democracies, but one country standout in the
region’s democratic evolution - Benin Republic. Yes,
Ghana’s democracy may be running into its 17th year
and hailed globally but Benin tells the West African
attempts at democratic consolidation better. In its
15th multiparty democratic elections, in March,
2007, Benin ran short of funds to finance its
election machinery so voters raised cash, loaned
computers, and lit up vote-counting centers with
their motorcycle headlights. The belief in democracy
as vehicle for progress runs counter to a Benin that
was once a Marxist dictatorship.
Benin reveals the unlikely positive trend in West
Africa's tartan path to democracy. Variously, 20
years ago, Benin and other Ecowas members were
struggling to move away from the Cold War-era
authoritarianism that dominated most of African
states that got independent in the 1960s from
European colonialism. With centralized economy,
revolving military regimes, one-party systems and
little natural resources, Benin vegetated with
little chance moving out of crushing poverty. Aware
that Marxist system couldn't work, the then
dictator, Mathieu Kerekou, realistically floated a
national conference in 1990 made up of civic and
religious organizations, farmers and political
parties.
Democratic elections and presidential term limits
was born. Kerekou held elections, lost them and
yielded power. He was re-elected five years later,
serving until 2006. The other two presidents came
from outside Kerekou’s political party, using their
technocratic backgrounds to foster economic policy
changes that encouraged investment and freed the
state’s centralized economy. As Ecowas states like
Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Guinea-Bissau
staggered through civil unrest, military coups and
elections during the last two decades, Benin
nurtured free market enterprise, a free press and a
stable economy built largely on agriculture and the
service industries. Part of Benin’s democratic
growth is its unique extensive integration of its 42
ethnic groups that has fostered long stability.
Those same points can be made of other Ecowas states
but with different degrees – Nigerians think their
budding democracy is anything but and are calling on
their politicians to learn from medium-sized Ghana.
With weak national institutions, inability to
integrate traditional institutions into its
democratic structures, foster greater inclusion, and
fuzzy actions that undermine freedoms and democracy,
Ecowas elites have more homework to do to
consolidate democracy.
Despite unshackling colonialism some 50 years ago,
largely after World War II, the 21st century was
supposed to herald the ascent of democracy in West
Africa, where most of the countries were founded on
democratic and freedom ideals, and where Ghana,
currently a key democracy light, was the first
country in sub-Sahara Africa to have got freedom
from British colonial in 1957. While Guinea is still
governed by the military and coup attempts occurring
in Guinea-Bissau, the past decades have seen a
region that is painfully moving towards democracy
and freedoms against all odds. Over the past 15
years, most Ecowas states have held elections, and
many have undergone quiet democratic regime changes.
Yet throughout 2008, many West Africans were suspect
of democratic politics. In Sierra Leone and Liberia,
a United Nations report spoke of shaky stability.
Former Liberian warlord Prince Yomi Johnson, now a
Senator, whose rebel unit killed former president
Samuel Doe, has warned against a witch-hunt by the
country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which
leaked report, intends to arrest him, among others,
and “vowed to resist any effort to arrest him.”
The Gambia suffers from dearth of good governance
and democratic freedoms, proof that simply holding
polls doesn't ensure a healthy democracy. Despite
being a multi-party state, only President Yahya
Jammeh’s Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and
Construction (APRC) party hold sway, effectively
stifling opposition parties and making mockery of
democracy. The Gambia is yet to account for its
killing of some 40 Ghanaians and other Africans. The
new Ghanaian Vice President John Mahama had
suggested stein position on the Gambian killings
and, if possible, cut-off relations with the Gambia.
Genuine democracies do not cut each other off;
democracies do not fight, democracies are much more
co-operative as the global experiences demonstrate
and as more and more West Africans migrate within
the sub-region and inter-marriage among its over 250
ethnic groups’ increases. The resolving of the
Gambian issue would be done better in a West Africa
where all the governments are deeply democratic, and
the rule of law, and freedoms driven.
Post-elections riots shock Nigeria, while Cote
d’Ivoire is trying to exorcise itself from years of
civil wars, divided country, and democratic stasis
that have seen northern rebels and southern
politicians sharing uneasy power. Guinea-Bissau,
though recent elections appear to have calmed years
of instabilities, was virtually reverted into
military rule when there was a near-successful coup
attempt in 2008. In Niger, for several months now a
political debate has been raging that says President
Mamadou Tandja, who is about to end his last of two
terms, should be allowed to serve a third term and
asked for a change to the constitutional mandate of
the President, or, if not, to simply prolong his
present tenure.
Even in Ghana, dubbed Ecowas democracy star, for its
comparative degree of democratic strengths, the 2008
general elections uncovered a deep well of electoral
inconsistencies: transition log-jam and protection
of citizens from electoral harm in places such as
the Volta and Northern regions. For the past 50
years, Guinea has been stuck in military juntas,
one-party regimes and fraudulent democracies all
rolled into bizarre mix.
And Senegal is Ecowas’ oldest democracy, untainted
by decades of military juntas that sauntered the
sub-region. Even despite this, Senegal has been
confronted with rebels in its Cassamance region that
seek greater national goods and services and thinks
there aren’t enough freedoms and democracy. In 1974
when the cunning Leopold Sedar Senghor, Senegal’s
first president, created a strictly controlled
multi-party system, with four parties allowed, which
had to stick to political labels Senghor selected,
and one of which parties was “Liberal” and called
the Senegalese Democratic Party and was led by
Abdoulaye Wade, the current president, Senegal is
yet to free itself from the Senghor democratic
shadow that has seen opposition and some media
forces thwarted now and then.
In several ways, the challenges of West African
democracies are a reflection of their elites,
history and culture. Impatience to nurture democracy
and freedoms are everywhere and pressure on Ecowas
leaders to learn the nuances of democracy, more from
within West African traditional values, is mounting.
With only ten years into its democracy, Nigerians
heavily complain about their democracy and wish
Ghana’s strides could have been transferred to them.
West African elites are yet to ground their
democracy into their cultural idiosyncrasies and
thoughts and mint a “West African way” that is drawn
from the soul of the region.
As experts argue, even in advanced democracies it
took centuries to form democracies but their elites
soldiered on, seeing democracy, after much trials
and errors of other ideologies, as the best form of
governance. West Africans’ democracies are just some
few years old and, as Guinea show, are yet to free
themselves from decades of military and one-party
systems mentality where rule of law and freedoms
were suppressed. Though most of West African states
see themselves as democratic, only three Ecowas
states (Cape Verde, Ghana and Senegal) ranked within
the top ten of the overall 2008 Ibrahim Index of
African Governance - entreating the question: given
the number of general elections of the past years,
are West Africa and democracy well-matched?
Considering West Africa’s history, culture and the
mindset of its elites, the pains associated with the
region’s emerging democracies aren’t surprising. But
if the pains aren’t transformed into democratic
growth, West Africans may be tired of democracies
that do not produce fruitful results and with time
soften the memories of frightful military
dictators/one-party rules and homesickness for
overthrown authoritarianism may swell. One other
West Africa democratic riddle is how it can unravel
a mix of paternalistic control and market economics
that wheel around “crony capitalism” that flourish
in the want of democratic checks and balances. In
Ghana, ex-president Jerry Rawlings, who ruled for
almost 20 years in strings of military juntas,
one-party regimes and multi-party democracy, and
others whose democratic roots and actions are
suspect following their being forced to democratize,
hover in the background.
In Nigeria, Guinea before the December 23, 2008
coup, Guinea-Bissau, the Gambia and Cote d’Ivoire
more citizens are complaining about their
democracies in the face of weak institutions and
autocratic tendencies. In Cote d’Ivoire, journalist
Venance Konan, writing in pambazuka news, argues
that Côte d’Ivoire’s democratic “impasse … reveals
that the interminable delays in setting a date for
the elections are due to the machinations of
political elites who continue to benefit from the
status quo. While various protagonists on the
political stage drag their feet, ordinary citizens
continue to suffer grinding poverty and the imminent
threat of renewed violence.”
Against the fact that the cornerstone of democracy
is the rule of law and freedoms, Freedom House, in
its Freedom in the World 2009 reveals that
democratic growth in West Africa isn’t all that
sexy, and the negatives outweigh the positives.
Thomas O. Melia, deputy executive director of
Freedom House, said “The causes of sub-Saharan
Africa’s setbacks in 2006 varied from country to
country.” But a “region-wide analysis, however,
suggests that weak rule of law and lack of
government openness play critical roles.” The report
notes that among West African states that are
“partly free” or “not free” democratically are
Guinea-Bissau, Cote d’Ivoire, the Gambia, Niger,
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Burkina Faso, the
Gambia, Mauritania, Guinea, and Togo. Only Mali,
Ghana, Cape Verde and Benin are democratically
“free” out of the 15 Ecowas states.
At critical level and in the context of the economic
trials facing West Africa, its elites have to shape
the region’s democracy within its history and
culture – more the integration of its traditional
institutions into their various decentralization
exercises – in relation to that of the Western-style
democratic system that dominates and “is a
one-size-fits-all” that doesn’t consider each Africa
state’s mindset, history and culture.
The key task that should spur an Ecowas democratic
enlargement is how to handle economic challenges and
threats of reverting to authoritarian rule. West
Africans are yet to tie the fact that economic tests
should drive their toddler democracies as
presidential candidate Barack Obama did in the US in
2008 elections and after. Despite the IMF projecting
that Liberia's economy is expected to grow 11
percent annually on average over the next five
years, how it will achieve this depends on how it
goads greater democracy and freedoms in a country
with deep scars of human rights violations and
democratic stasis, some emanating from some aspects
of its culture.
In Nigeria, its citizens are concerned about how its
governance doesn’t answer democracy’s most basic
task: to exemplify the will of the people in the
face of economic plight and the fact it is one of
the leading oil producers in the world. Sierra Leone
and Liberia are yet to transform its dire poverty
and war pains into democratic capital and freedoms
and help spread prosperity. As some gains in
democracy make inroads into progress, the arithmetic
is how Ecowas elites answer the old arguments of
either economic progress should predate democratic
reforms or democratic reforms should predate
economic progress, or reconcile the two against the
ambiance of global financial emergency, suppleness
and open leadership. At the heart of this policy
discussions are West African cultural
idiosyncrasies, accountability, transparency and the
rule of law that should underpin West Africa’s
democratic consolidation, and help create
middle-classes, as bulwarks against undemocratic
actions, across Ecowas.
Pleasing the Electorate
Though over 271 million out of Africa’s population
of 937 million live in West Africa, with Nigeria
having the largest population of 135 million, West
Africa is yet to see leaders build on broad-based
support for influential policy varieties. In Ghana’s
2008 general elections, the two main parties – the
now ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) and
the main opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) - had
virtually the same programmes that it was critically
hard to differentiate between them.
Without reservation, in the final presidential
results, the NDC’s John Atta-Mills had 50.23% and
the NPP’s Nana Akufo-Addo had 49.77%. The
parliamentary elections saw an even legislature with
the NDC having 114, the NPP 107 and others 7. There
are so little varieties among the parties that there
are vigorous national calls for broad-based
consensus building and participation among the
parties to push Ghana’s democracy forward.
Unsurprisingly, the Taiwan-based global consortium
of comparative surveys across emerging democracies
and transitional societies Asian Barometer Project
found that though majority of Africans support most
democratic ideals, they are committed to higher
limits on politicians’, as ways of helping to brew
varieties of choices and consolidate democracy. But
how to achieve this, to a point, is informed by the
lack of trust in West African elections riddled with
consequences of derisory political education.
The mechanism of engaging West African electorate by
floating variety of choices to address pressing
issues is test for Ecowas elites. Nigeria is still
entangled with its Niger Delta militants for
political goods and services, as rich petro-dollar
crude oil flows in the background. As one of the top
Ecowas democracies, Mali is yet to appropriate its
16-year democracy to neutralize Tuareg rebel groups
that have been engaged in periodic armed struggles
for several decades. Whether in Burkina Faso,
Nigeria or Guinea-Bissau, Ecowas democratic
consolidation will be attained by conscious push and
going through numerous electoral series, with the
understanding that no electoral method is perfect
(vote-buying, for instance, afflicts most Ecowas
states).
Constructing checks and balances
One of the brightest aspects of the December 2008
general elections in Ghana wasn’t the fact that it
was keenly contested but the prospects that it saw
the opposition NDC winning competitively and further
opened the democratic space. Whether in Nigeria, the
Gambia, Togo or Senegal, one party in a multiparty
democracy has taken a stranglehold on politics, its
power nourishing on itself and deflating real
opposition. Nigeria has been controlled by the
People’s Democratic Party since multiparty democracy
was instituted 10 years ago, while the Rally of the
Togolese People dominates Togo. The Rally of the
Togolese People has been in power for more than 40
years and this isn’t good for healthy West African
democracy and particularly for Togo, where the
democratic opposition is referred to by government
publications in undignified ways as the “radical
opposition.”
Though not widespread, Togo exemplifies how dynastic
democracy, in which the same families - Faure
Gnassingbe, son of the late President Gnassingbe
Eyadema, was prepared by his father and picked by
their northern Kabyé ethnic dominated army to
succeed his father - act as if it is their
birthright to rule, and the electorate accordingly
votes them in. This is against the fact that Togo is
made up of coalition of about 40 ethnic groups. West
Africa has the largest number of ethnic groups in
Africa – and this should intellectually help grow
vibrant democracy and do away with dynastic or
ethnic influenced democracy.
Added to this is ethnic democracy, which is
widespread in West Africa. West African electorates
are yet to learn to identify leaders past families,
clans and ethnic groups or party symbols. Short of
that the region's toddler democracy will only feed
the historical assumption, as somehow read in the
writings of the British thinker John Stuart Mills
and appropriated by colonialism, that Africans are
in some ways unprepared to hold democracy. The
colonial assumption was that Africans were somehow
not enlightened adequately to grasp democracy.
However, the healthiness of the December 2008
Ghanaian elections, as was the case in Sierra Leone
a year ago, and the praise it garnered
internationally is a matter of pride for West
African democracy.
Beefing up institutions
Neo-patriarchic African “Big Man” syndrome is
stifling West African democracy and freedoms. This
cultural situation has also affected the growth of
independent institutions, one of the cornerstones of
democracy, that are to check and balance elected
leaders. Ghana is attempting to integrate its
traditional institutions into its decentralization
exercises as a way of harmonizing the schism between
democratic practices and traditional institutions.
In some West African states, the media, as prominent
watchdog of democracy, are uncomfortable, some
muzzled. Against the fact that African journalists
have operated in difficult conditions, in 2007, the
Community Court of Justice of Ecowas issued a
hearing notice for a suit filed against the Gambian
government by the Accra-based Media Foundation for
West Africa on behalf of a “disappeared” Gambian
journalist, Chief Ebrima Manneh, reporter of
pro-government Banjul-based “Daily Observer”
newspaper. As Ghana’s new president John Atta-Mills
indicated in Nigeria, Guinea’s inability to
institute vigorous democratic practices stems from
its weak institutions. The solution is to institute
democratic political systems that stem from the fact
that building institutions can moderate conflicts.
Across much of West Africa, the judiciaries are seen
as compromised and under the grip of the executive
and some powerful “Big Men/Women” who found their
way around the judicial system. In its 2007 report
on democracy, human rights and labour, the US State
Department says though the government of Burkina
Faso or its agents didn’t “commit any known
politically motivated killings, security forces
killed civilians, criminal suspects, and detainees.”
On February 17, Fousseni Traore, a soldier, killed
his sweetheart, Alima Sakande, in Tampouy,
Ouagadougou City. On February 22, police arrested
Traore in Leraba Province and moved him to military
detention soon thereafter. Nothing was heard about
the case any more.
But there are attempts to restore faith in the West
African judiciary as way of deepening democracy and
its institutions. In Nigeria, the government is
battling corruption, a serious national development
problem, and opening its hands world-wide for
assistance. Nigeria’s formidable Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission has taken on
increasingly powerful and much-feared “Big
Men/Women” and helped brighten the image of the
judiciary and democracy. Nigeria is ranked the
second most corrupt country in the world by the
Berlin-based Transparency International. Abuja is
working with various United Nations agencies as way
of “strengthening the rule of law, both at the
national and sub-national level” in order to augment
“the capacity and integrity of the justice system,
in particular the judiciary.”
Except West Africans feel like the judiciary is
independent, not influenced by political influences,
ethnicities and the ancient “Big Man/Woman”
syndromes, democracy cannot flourish. As regional
giant Nigeria has demonstrated, standing up for
judicial autonomy depends on the courage of
non-governmental agencies, individual judges and
institutions. But it also relies on political
leaders who will refrain from interfering with the
judiciary - and who know that doing so will risk
them in the next general elections.
Enlarging civil society
Athwart Ecowas, movements towards democracy and
freedoms have occurred for the past 10 years on the
average because of West Africans conviction that
democracy is better than authoritarianism.
Democratic and freedom energies are sweeping the
region, despite obstacles. In Benin, Ghana and
Nigeria people-driven revolution brought down
military juntas and one-party regimes. However,
whether in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Niger, the Gambia
or Togo, the superseding years have produced
disappointment within Ecowas’ civil society.
Open Society Initiative for West Africa and the
Council for the Development of Social Science
Research in Africa (CODESRIA) report in their 2006
investigations that most civil society outfits in
West Africa “have fallen to disgrace by subjecting
themselves to manipulation by those in power. This
has put most of the organizations at risk” and have
had backlash on democratic struggles where the
national conferences in Benin and Cote d’Ivoire
“courage of independent activists leading the
downtrodden masses“ aren’t felt no more. Nigerians
think their democracy is so corrupted that it is
rendered worthless in the face of retreating
pro-democracy activists that had earlier helped
brought the dictatorship of Gen. Sani Abacha down.
In a West Africa where deep wounds of brutal
military juntas and threatening one-party regimes
top Africa, civil society activists are vital both
for their capacity to inspire the masses to act more
justly and to speak out when leaders slip toward
authoritarianism.
While Guinea’s famous trade unions have been in the
forefronts for reforms against democratic frauds and
authoritarianism consistently for the past 50 years,
in Ghana, the Committee for Joint Action (CJA), a
pressure group known for protesting on national and
international issues during the years of
ex-president John Kufour, has evolved as
non-partisan, objective, and a national conscience.
Over the years, CJA has evolved as part of Ghana’s
growing democracy, taking on more or less a centrist
position that has allowed Ghanaians of diverse
beliefs to come together for common national causes
without fear of persecution. Not surprisingly, Tain,
a tiny remote marginalized rural community in
Ghana’s Brong Ahafo region virtually determined the
outcome of John Atta-Mills as the president of Ghana
in the 2008 elections. Whether in Tain (Ghana),
Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Guinea or Togo, all of these
advances, despite years of death, threats,
harassments and fears, have been the result of years
of struggle by West African civil societies. And
these tussles hold out optimism for the future of
West African democracy.
That the new American President Barack Obama will
have immense effect on West African democracy is
unarguable. Across Ecowas obamamania is still
reeling. Nowhere is this seen more than in Ghana,
where John Atta-Mills and his NDC used Obama’s
famously “change” theme in the December 2008
election campaigns, striding Atta-Mills photographs
with Obama’s in campaign posters. Again and again in
debates, campaigns and speeches, Atta-Mills talked
about the need for Ghanaians to find in themselves
“change.” Atta-Mills “change” has more to do with
the fatigue and the perceived democratic arrogance
of the eight years of NPP years. That made the
Atta-Mills “change” a vain mantra not necessarily a
therapeutic or democratic enlargement concepts but
the periodic democratic reinvention, where
Ghanaians, for the past 17 years, dig out of their
deepest problems and every four years elect a new
government. It is a way they save themselves from
some useless politicians and institutions, decline,
stagnation and other developmental futility. The
Ghana Obama-inspired “change” serves as a fine
example to Ecowas’s democracy.
Kofi
Akosah-Sarpong, Canada, July 11, 2009
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