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The NDC has won, now what next?

E. Ablorh-Odjidja, Ghanadot

 

Results of the final Ghana presidential election from Tain are in and Atta Mills, the NDC candidate, has been declared the president elect of the Republic of Ghana by the Electoral Commissioner, Dr, Afari Djan.  Farewell to the old president.  So long live the new one, we should easily say.  But it is not going to be easy.

On January 7, 2009, President Kufuor will proceed to retirement.  He said he was ready and he looked very relaxed saying so to the public on January 2, 2009; at a time when hell was breaking loose with the 2008 election impasse.

Kufuor would go out very content, believing that he had done his best.  He had won the world’s acclaim many times over.  In his mind, he had set Ghana on a stage ready for take off. 

But would the NDC, the party that won the 2008 elections and its leadership agree?  This was the man whose party they had worked so hard to defeat.  He was also the man they had told the world they thought little of.

The NDC went to the elections not a bit impressed by Kufuor’s achievements.  They accused him of many things.  They even said he was corrupt and ineffective.  They have the chance now to prove the charge.  The world will be waiting.

The NDC must be commended for having waged a very effective campaign.  The outcome has been brilliant.  Throughout the campaign, they managed to keep the NPP on the defensive with a strategy that we should call the “detonator” approach.

Right from the start of the 2008 campaign, the NDC implemented the “detonator” approach.  Without a shred of evidence, they announced to the world that the NPP would steal the 2008 elections.  When things got a little rough down the line, they began calling for power sharing; bringing into the campaign images of the chaos from the Kenya and Zimbabwe elections of the same year.

With these moves, the NDC forced the world to pay closer attention to Ghana and for the NPP administration to be cautious and ethical about their elections’ conduct.   By the December 7, 2008, they had achieved one aim – at least that of power sharing.  They had control of parliament. 

The “detonator” strategy had a principal exponent in the person of ex-President J. J. Rawlings.  As an active member of the NDC campaign, he was marvelous  -  his presence, always a ghost of coups past.  In essence, he was an enigma and a veiled threat at the same time. The question on many minds was if victory did not go to the NDC would he do it again? 

As the principal initiator of many coups, Rawlings knew the effect of violence on the Ghanaian mind.  And the Ghanaian public in turn needed no further reminder of the possibilities or consequences of the wrong electoral move when Rawlings mounted the political platform.

So, having been softened in the past by several coups, the Ghanaian public by this date had become malleable to the threat of violence.   Many wanted so much to avoid memories of past coups in Ghana – that  plus images of the violence from Kenya and Zimbabwe that they had seen on television.  The specter had made them ready to vote for the NDC if only to keep things quiet.

For the public described above, the “detonator” approach was a tailor made strategy.

Rawlings had sensed that – the feelings that he was feared.  He did not keep things quiet and did not mince his words on the campaign trail as he constantly sought to bring to the attention of the public to what he called crimes of the NPP.  And with his utterances, he was able to stir up passions within the NDC party.

Rawlings acted like a fist in a glove.  You know the punch was there, ready.  When it would land would depend on your move.  You had only one option and that was to move according to the wishes of the hand in the glove.  That was the potential “detonator” message.  Even the Ghanaian security agencies understood it.

And as Rawlings had probably surmised, there was nothing the security agencies could do about a potential.  A gun at rest is a potential killer, but it hasn’t been fired.  You cannot arrest the owner.

The NDC, from start to finish, strategically controlled the campaign with the “detonator” approach.  They left the NPP several times reeling and confused in the campaign.  They did it a lot of times with alarmist charges.  You may question the NDC’s tactics on many levels, especially on that of the ethical, but not on the level of “real politick.”  At that level, the NDC was at its finest.

The NDC, for instance, didn’t care to explain how the charge of vote stealing could be accomplished by the NPP.  They didn’t even bother to remember that there had been one election already in 2004, under the NPP administration, that was adjudged by the world to be fair and proper.  They just made the charge up this time and announced the possibility as if it was an oracle.

Immediately after the stealing charge was the push for power sharing.  Faulty election results in Kenya and Zimbabwe had made the notion and the topic viable and the NDC was quick to seize the opportunity. 

The idea that Ghana wasn’t remotely Zimbabwe or Kenya didn’t matter to the construct of power sharing reasoning for the NDC.  The fact that the 2008 election was months away didn’t also matter.  Putting the notion as a campaign thought in the minds of some gullible souls in the streets was a sure reminder of the trouble to follow should things go awry for the NDC.

In essence, the gullible soul in the street was the trigger for the “detonator” effect. It worked.

The NDC power sharing aim or objective was achieved by mid-course of the elections.  By the time it got to Tain, the rural community with 56,000 unaccounted, they had victory in the bag.  But that was not the sad part of the story.

Why the NPP leadership decided to make Tain the last stand would remain an enigma for the course of the entire political campaign history of our time.  With 23,000 votes behind in the polls, somebody reasoned that they had a chance with the 33,000 left (56,000 total) in a community that happened to be the opposition's constituency!

Like it or not, the NDC has won the presidency.  There is now a de facto shift in governance in Ghana.

Now what next?  To venture some unassailable truths the immediate recognition should be that the campaigning is over.  And that what Kufuor has achieved during his term in office would be hard to match and almost impossible to beat. 

E. Ablorh-Odjidja,Publsiher www.ghanadot.com, Washington, DCJanuary 3, 2009


Permission to publish:  Please feel free to publish or reproduce, with credits, unedited.  If posted at a website, email a copy of the web page to publisher@ghanadot.com . Or don't publish at all.


 

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