The reason, he
said, will assure "that the winning party fully executes its
development agenda."
Are we to
read into this a surrender – a failure of his party to
fulfill its agenda; or see it as a reluctance to confront
the real demons that have for so long bedeviled our progress
as a nation?
We should
assume both situations as reasons for the proposal.
Still, the solution offered doesn’t tackle adequately
the entire problem of our developmental impasse.
Within Woyongo’s solution are two variables that ought to be
noticed - the duration of the term of presidential office
and the personality elected to fill the post.
If history is a
teacher, it ought to be noted quickly that we have rarely
have the occasion in which to fit both variables.
The first was before 1966 and the last was 2008, when
we had personalities in office to produce acceptable or
stella results.
The rest of the leaders have been utter failures.
So, instead of
worrying about the longevity of the term in office, I
suggest it will help to concentrate on the merit of the
personalities we put into the presidential office.
Some African
presidents, once elected into office, quickly extend their
terms in office.
They then move on to corrupt the office and the political
processes to assure that they remain in power.
The long
incumbency also provides them an extended access to the
national treasury.
And soon,
do-nothing cronies that depend on them for sustenance gather
to help them lengthen the stay in office.
By trickery and
corruption, others achieve the term extension through
constitutional changes.
They end up creating a legal platform that allows
most incompetents to remain in power for longer terms,
thereby prolonging the stress within the society.
Mr. Woyongo is
asking for a constitutional change in the hope that it will
promote chances for faster and better development.
Senegal, Congo,
Rwanda already have seven-year presidential terms.
Most nations on the continent have five years per
term. So is
Burkina Faso, the country Wayongo has used as an example.
Nineteen years
of constitutional and unconstitutional rule by J. J.
Rawlings of the NDC regime (1981-200), of the same party
that Wayongo serves today, has the same longevity effect
that the proposal seeks.
But this lengthy period of one-party rule proved
lackluster, in that it brought the worst discernable
socio-economic changes for the country.
Put together, all the
developments in these long presidential term countries are
yet to prove spectacular so as to command emulation.
Post-colonial development, for all, has been woeful.
And this point
to a lack in the leaders we find in office.
A "better Ghana" is a worthy agenda and Ghana needs
this agenda. But
only an able leader can hit the ground and start
implementing the required programs with any certainty of
success within the current four-year term.
With regard to
the duration of the term itself, it ought to be approached
as a political behavior problem.
Rather than lengthening it, tweak what would be
required within the term, and make constitutional demands for
leadership to follow.
First, a
continuity demand; that programs created by a party in
government, already approved and funded by Parliament, must
be continued, regardless of the wishes of a successor
opposition party.
Second, that
failure to observe the continuity demand must prohibit a
leader in rule from standing for a re-election.
And that this demand continuity can only be overruled
by a super majority in Parliament and NOT at the whim of a party
or leader in power.
Continuity must
be a requirement in our governance.
The tendency by ruling parties to reverse policies of
past regimes they don’t like, no matter how good those were,
is the real hindrance to development.
Policy
reversals have been the tendency since the 1966 coup.
The "Better Ghana " agenda promoted by the current
government, even if successful during this term, can be
reversed on a whim by the next party in government.
But on the
subject of longevity, why five years as suggested by Wayongo
and not 20 years?
How do we justify continuing support for a regime that is unable
to start and finish its agenda in four years or doesn't know
how to pass on the ideas to the next regime?
A complete
thought on these questions could have provided Wayongo a
degree of caution in his proposal:
That five years of productive work under a brilliant
leader can also be followed in five years by a roll back of
the same under a dunce.
In short, a
longer term has nothing to do with the solution.
It
is already proven that some countries, like the USA, do well
under the shorter four-year term and plans and projects are
continued successfully by the next regime.
Paraguay has a single
5-year presidential term (no repeat).
And they do well too.
Development
of a country is a cooperative effort.
Good works, after acceptance, must be passed on from
regime to regime, regardless of ideological differences of
parties in government.
Had Kufuor's
regime followed immediately after Nkrumah, a greater
tolerance of continuity could have emerged.
Some projects
would have been continued without interruption.
The Golden Triangle infra-structure of roads and
highways planned under Nkrumah would have proceeded without stop and the Tema
Motor Way and the Bush Highway would have been completed parts of the
same projects and within a shorter period of time.
The Bui River
Dam and the Afram Plains developments also would have been
completed decades ago.
But the Nkrumah part of these projects was truncated
in 1966 because of bad faith and anathema for the name
Nkrumah by regimes that followed.
.
Nkrumah
had a total of six years as President.
And Kufuor had two four-year terms. Had there been
more continuity and less policy reversals, from Nkrumah's
time to the present, Ghana would have been a far advanced
country than now, despite the presidential term of four
years.
E.
Ablorh-Odjidja, Publisher www.ghanadot.com, Washington, DC,
January 06, 2016.
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