Is
democracy just a road-kill?
E. Ablorh-Odjidja
August 10, 2013
One standout in the last election petition case,
the over-voting issue, suggests that the 2012
Presidential Election was flawed.
The parties of Petitioners and Respondents made
oral presentations to the Supreme Court justices on
August 07, 2013, in which they took positions, for or
against the outcome of the 2012 Presidential Elections.
For the Petitioners, over-voting was the core
argument for their case.
And the ”irregularities that characterized the
conduct of the election" was another point raised.
They, therefore, as consequence, wanted the
justices to negate or reverse the election result.
The Respondents, however, dismissed this plea as
gratuitous and not substantial enough to warrant a
change in the election result.
They maintained that canceling or overturning the
result, on account of “such errors” as alleged would
produce “loss of confidence in the electoral system,”
and amount to an attack on the people’s constitutional
right to vote.
The Petitioners, in response, argued for the
affirmation of the “right to vote.”
And stressed that
this “right to vote” must come with the same weight and
dignity in the electoral processes, which processes were
flawed in the 2012 elections..
And that, the numerous instances of the
over-voting, indicated on the “Pink Sheets,” the primary
election data collection documents, went to show that
the "one man one vote concept” relevant to the
democratic process had been undermined.
Therefore, to allow the result of this flawed
election to stand, the petitioners claimed, would be a
flagrant abuse of the democratic system.
As presentations to the court went on in the
courtroom, doubts about the integrity of the 2012
Presidential Election lingered on minds in the street; a
manifestation that in a sense was an awakening of a
healthy democratic spirit at work in the public mind.
The “one man one vote concept” raised in the
arguments to the court is very essential because it
forms the structure on which democratic elections are
built. And
this, at the same time, is a principle that the
petitioner's claim has been abused; as shown by the
over-voting and inaccuracies on the "Pink Sheets.”
The Electoral Commission (EC), the body charged
with policing the integrity of our national elections,
in response to the over-voting charges on the "Pink
Sheets", rather argued that the over-votes were merely
clerical errors and that the election itself was
faultless.
And that those clerical errors didn’t amount to
enough reason to prevent the EC from declaring the
winner by the evening of December 09, 2012.
The EC’s assertion did not address the fact that
besides the clerical errors being on the same “Pink
Sheets,” the 1st Petitioner (Nana Addo) was in the lead
the day the balloting ended, only to see his lead vanish
on the second day when the results were announced by the
EC.
To the average mind, something had gone wrong.
A road-kill on the way to the presidency had
happened.
And in a road-kill, you needed not to see or know the
offending vehicle.
The physical body on the road was all that was
needed, in this case, the over-votes, to point to the
fact that the accident happened.
The first petitioner was that victim on the
electoral roadkill.
Focusing the mind on the inconsistencies and the
margin of votes that made John Mahama the declared
winner in 2012 should explain why the egregious result
of the 2012 election should not be allowed to stand.
Close to the elections, a list of 13,917,366
registered voters was submitted by the EC.
In the end, there were 14,158,890 votes cast, an
increase which the EC Commissioner, Dr. Afari Djan, had
no explanation for while on the stand.
The over-vote count brought to court by the 1st
Petitioner totaled 745,569. John Mahama’s margin of
victory was 77,130, about 10% of the total of over-votes
on the "pink sheets".
The Petitioner had submitted the numbers on the
“Pink Sheets” as proof.
The Respondent's retort that they were just
“clerical errors” was an attempt to wish the
partitioner’s case away.
Just clerical errors, the Respondents claimed.
But first, they couldn’t claim it didn’t end up
as votes.
Or, even if it did, it had still then to be ascertained
as to whom those over-votes benefitted, the partitioner
or the respondent.
The Constitutional requirement for a presidential
election victory is a gain of 50% plus 1%.
Wipe away Mahama’s margin of 77,130 votes (0.7%)
and he would not have won the presidency.
The over-votes, therefore, were critical.
It is the job of the EC to guard the integrity of
our elections, knowing that in the present circumstances
the over-vote count could only benefit the Respondent
and not the Petitioner.
This knowledge alone should require more scrutiny
on the the winner. The loser gained nothing, even
if the over-vote came his way, But the EC didn't act.
The over-vote, like a road-kill, was the evidence
that something nefarious had occurred.
The EC only had to remove the over-vote to make
sure that the election was safely done.
To request to know the details of the
beneficiaries first before doing anything about
electoral integrity must be seen as avoidance or a legal
or technical ploy
At this point, the EC should already have assumed
that the entire electoral process might have been skewed
to benefit or injure someone’s chances.
And that, no matter whom it benefited or injured,
the evidence of a flawed process was there, just like
the body in a roadkill situation.
The EC had only one responsibility.
It would be to remove the roadkill or failing to
do that not to prevent the courts from doing so.
Strikingly, the registered number of voters for
the presidential election exceeded that for the
parliament side by about 127,210 votes, an occurrence
that was at variance with the law and easy for the EC to
spot.
But somehow, it seems the over-votes count floated
on within the electoral system to end up in the final
count.
With so much at stake, would any competitor
readily concede to a presidential victory of less than a
full 1% margin?
Certainly, it will not harm to redo the election.
Not at all areas, only in the districts where the
over-votes occurred.
And it gives all parties an equal chance to do it
again in the interest of fair play, a move toward peace,
and the final loser a chance for magnanimity.
For President Mahama, the act of conceding for a
re-run gives him the chance to establish a legacy for
statesmanship and political sagacity.
As for the EC, Dr. Afari Gyan, he had his chance
but ended up in court diminished by his defense of the
flawed process.
E. Ablorh-Odjidja, publisher,
www.ghanadot.com, Washington, DC, August 10, 2013,
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