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Refining Chieftaincy for Progress
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
Unlike Botswanan elites, which 31 years ago could mount
the wisdom, the skills and humility to mix their
traditional institutions with their ex-colonial and the
global development ideals for prosperity, 50 years after
freedom from colonial rule Ghanaian elites are still
struggling with their developmental values – both
traditional and the ex-colonial and the global - that
are to be harmonized to fuel the Ghana nation-state as a
development project.
The struggles to harmoniously integrate both of Ghana’s
contending developmental values come in several ways.
One is refining the chieftaincy institution that has
been wrongly battered for decades by colonialism and
some Ghanaians. As the key point-man for opening the
culture for progress, Sampson Boafo, the Chieftaincy and
Culture Minister, unaware of the enormous burden he is
carrying for historical, structural and developmental
reasons, attempts to refine the roughened chieftaincy
institution by weeding out crook kingmakers that lead to
numerous chieftaincy disputes. Still, Boafo’s advise to
“kingmakers to prepare a list of royals who qualify to
ascend thrones and skins” so as to avoid the perennial
chieftaincy disputes that have undermined progress
reveal another attempt to clean the polluted chieftaincy
institution for development.
As Boafo and other Ghanaians elites play with their
cultural values in relation to the global development
ideals for progress, one of the main areas they have
been contending with is the chieftaincy institution.
“Rubbish! Scrap chieftaincy and get people producing
food for the country. Electing mayors is a more
progressive way to bring archaic traditions into line
with modern day thinking,” writes one Ankonam at
www.ghanaweb.com in reaction to one of the numerous
chieftaincy issues. “Let the people of Ghana decide in a
referendum; whether to retain this retrogressive
institution or allow it to continue that will keep us in
the 19th Century or dispose of it to enable Ghana climb
on board the 21st Century train,” writes another.
Much of this muddled and disturbing opinions about the
chieftaincy institution by some Ghanaians, who are
critically supposed to know better, have come about
because of long-running colonialism that exploited -
good or bad - the chieftaincy institution for its
indirect rule with all its attendant implications. Aware
that the only way to rule Africa was to use its
chieftaincy institutions, the European colonialists used
chiefs as proxy for their rule and in the course of this
created all kinds of problems, such as installing people
who weren’t from the royal house, for the once healthy
institution. Contradictorily, the European colonialists
also created the perennial propaganda that African
traditional institutions are “primitive” and unworthy of
usage for development but yet find it useful to
incorporated traditional values such as chieftaincy into
the colonial administrative structure as Frederick
Lugard explains in “The Dual Mandate in British Tropical
Africa.”
Despite this muddling of one of Ghana’s/Africa’s core
traditional institutions by European colonialism and the
fact that before colonialism the chieftaincy institution
had no such image problem and rejuvenated itself from
within its traditional values, post-independent African
elites, ever confused in the development process, have
not thought, reflected and worked hard enough to repair
the damages to the chieftaincy institution by
colonialism and its consequent continuation by some
Ghanaian/African elites. It is in this atmosphere that
Ankonam wrongly wrote that, “Rubbish! Scrap chieftaincy
and get people producing food for the country. Electing
mayors is a more progressive way to bring archaic
traditions into line with modern day thinking.”
It is disturbing that an institution that
Ghanaians/Africans have depended on for thousands of
years will suddenly be called “archaic,” “rubbish,” and
“anachronistic” because European colonialists, who do
not known anything about Ghana/Africa traditional values
and who has treacherously used the same traditional
institution for their colonial interests, will describe
chieftaincy in unpalatable manner. Archaic, rubbish, or
anachronistic, almost 80 percent of Ghanaians/Africans
depend on their traditional institutions, as it has been
during colonial rule, today for all kinds of public
goods, services and inspiration. In fact, realistically,
practically, productively and spiritually, Ghana/Africa
revolves around its traditional chieftaincy institutions
for its sustenance.
As the soul of the Ghanaian culture, for long the
chieftaincy institution has been troubled, unable to
resolve the mess caused by colonialism and some
post-independent elites. Ghana’s first President Kwame
Nkrumah had a long-running battle with the chieftaincy
institution, attempting to destroy the institution.
Richard Rathbone, a professor of Modern African History
at University of London, U.K, explains in “Nkrumah & the
Chiefs: The Politics of Chieftaincy in Ghana,
1951-1960," Nkrumah waged sustained campaign to bring
down traditional rulers in the face of his "frustrated
attempts to democratize local government and the long
and bitter campaigns mounted by many southern chiefs to
resist their political marginalization."
This had fundamental changes not only on the history of
Ghana but also the country's progress by making
traditional rulers not key participants in Ghana's
development process. However, Dr. Daniel Tetteh
Osabu-Kle, a political scientist at Canada's Carleton
University, argues that Nkrumah’s regime was confronted
with intense difficult climate that was influenced by
some powerful traditional rulers. "The traditional
rulers became a problem so Nkrumah has to clip their
wings…Nkrumah wanted to encourage the traditional rulers
but they didn't allow it."
On the flip side, President Nkrumah’s actions and Dr.
Osabu-Kle’s views are contentious and regrettable.
Nkrumah and his associates should have drawn from
immense wisdom and remarkable insights about Ghanaian
traditional values and gone either the Botswanan or the
Malaysian way, despite some challenges from certain
traditional rulers, by creatively mixing the chieftaincy
institution with the ex-colonial and the global
development processes. This aside, the troubles with the
chieftaincy institution are as ancient as they are
modern, and will need fresh eyes and ears, remarkable
re-understanding, a new re-interpretation informed by
global development trends, in order to integrate it as
fully as possible as the Botswanans have done since
1966.
This makes Sampson Boafo, the Culture and Chieftaincy
Affairs Minister’s attempts to prepare a list of royals
who qualify to ascend thrones and skins by tackling fake
kingmakers so as to “avoid misunderstanding that often
resulted in bloodshed, destruction of property and waste
of state resources” part of the broader holistic goals
to resolve the troubles that have for long afflicted the
noble chieftaincy institution and make it more relevant
to progress.
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong, Canada,
January 9, 2008
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