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The Rawlingses’ Democracy: A Look at the Madness of
Power
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong*
They are supposed to be from the same ruling National
Democratic Congress (NDC) party but events wheeling
within the party are diametrically different. At certain
times, it is as if the NDC is in permanent chaos, caught
in self-destruction, about to explode into pieces. It is
as if the NDC has mutated into two opposition parties
deadly contesting for power.
For failing to command-and-control the almost
two-year-old John Atta Mills government, ex-President
Jerry Rawlings, his wife, Nana Konadu Agyemang, and
their associates have become a disturbing menace to the
Mills regime, and by extension, Ghana’s budding
democracy. In years gone by, Rawlings would have used
this as pretext to overthrow President Atta Mills, as he
did against the President Hilla Limann government by
fabricating all kinds of reasons.
The Mills regime appears under constant commotions.
Though Mills and his associates have proved formidable
in containing the Rawlingses from the word go, a
never-ending dog fight has apparently ensured between
the restless Rawlingses and the noiseless Mills’ group.
For the past two years, almost every month it seems a
fight erupts from the Rawlingses camp against the Mills
regime. The latest is Mrs. Rawlings’ supporters,
contravening the NDC’s and Ghana’s electoral laws,
plastering posters bearing the image of Mrs. Rawlings.
The Rawlingses family, especially Mrs. Rawlings, hasn’t
denied or endorsed the posters. Endorsed or not, the
sophistication of the posters points to Mrs. Rawlings.
In his usual prone-to-disorder, days before the unlawful
posters, Rawlings has written a strongly worded letter
to the press complaining of being harassed and
blackmailed by the Mills camp. There is no material
evidence to proof his assertion, making it part of his
normal brashness. And if it is true, why should the
Mills’ regime do that to the so-called “founder” of his
NDC? It may be because of the Rawlingses disgraceful
demeanor that has become embarrassing to Ghana and
Africa. By nature too emotional to think well, the
Rawlingses actually harass and blackmail themselves.
Though those who know the Rawlingses well aren’t
astonished by their actions, the current quarrel between
them and Mills gives an insight into the Rawlingses
state of mind and their never-ending thirst for power
despite ruling Ghana for almost 20 years. In the
Rawlingses political universe, Ghanaians are witnessing
what an NDC democracy looks like and why they should
look outside the party’s stickers because of its
implications for Ghana’s democracy.
For the Rawlingses, their democracy is different from
the rest of NDC and Ghana. Democratic tenets of the rule
of law, freedoms, justice and human rights are
interpreted by their whims and caprices. If you aren’t
in their camp they see you in dim view, won’t tolerate
you, and you are “undemocratic.” In the Rawlingses,
dictatorship, autocracy, tyranny, authoritarianism and
democracy are all mixed together.
You either got to be a genius or in their perverted
mental plane to comprehend them – hence the almost
endless upheaval within the NDC and its spillover into
the Ghanaian political space. By nature not inclined to
peacefulness, the Rawlingses love chaos, they like it
rough, noisy and nasty. The Rawlingses were politically
made in chaos and disturbances, coup detats, violence,
corruption and exploitation, mendacities and propaganda,
moral crises, deaths and disappearances, killings,
blackmail, conflicts, fighting, deceit and, like
Chiroptera bats, at home with political darkness.
These guide the Rawlingses understanding of politics, it
illuminates their democracy, their “private democracy.”
Some knowledgeable Ghanaians see them as politically
“suicidal.” As the chaos theory would say of the
Rawlingses, their “deterministic nature” in Ghana’s
political history does not “make them predictable,” as
Stephen H. Kellert would say in In the Wake of Chaos:
Unpredictable Order in Dynamical Systems (1993). For
this reason and the fact that they have insatiable
appetite for power, if the Rawlingses have the chance
they will overthrow the infant Mills administration as
they did to the newborn 21 months President Hilla Limann
government in 31 December, 1981.
To the Rawlingses, it doesn’t matter if “it is illegal
for any member of the Party (NDC) to prematurely give an
impression of his or her interest in the flagbearership
race for the 2012 elections as the party’s rules clearly
indicate that this declaration should not come earlier
than one full year to the General Elections when the
Party is in power,” as the NDC executive reacted to the
Mrs. Rawlings’ criminal posters.
The Rawlingses incited their associates to sneak into
the darkness and plaster Mrs. Rawlings’ posters
illegally across Ghana, as if there is going to be
presidential elections tomorrow, to harass the Mills
government. And they feverishly hope this may enflame
some wrong-thinking military officers to overthrow the
Mills regime. Hypocritically, this is a conduct from the
pages of the Rawlingses’ political history. Still, this
is the Rawlingses who claim to have progress of Ghana at
heart, yet repetitively befuddling Mills from performing
his acute national assignment.
As Ghana’s democracy develops, the Rawlingses, stuck in
their long-running authoritarian mind-set, feel
discomfort in the blossoming democratic light, which has
given them nightmarish screams and sleepless nights. The
Rawlingses conducts are troublingly unique in Africa.
From ex-President John Kufour to ex-African Presidents
and Prime Ministers such as Mozambique’s Joaquim
Chissano, Botswana’s Festus G. Mogae and Sir Ketumile
Masire, Kenya’s Daniel arap Moi, South Africa’s Thabo
Mbeki and Nelson Mandela, and Tanzania’s Benjamin Mkapa,
none and their families behave like the Rawlingses. No
doubt, some Africans have been saying of the Rawlingses’
mien, “Ghanaians are too tolerant …They can’t do that in
Nigeria.”
The Rawlingses appear panting in their long gone
monolithic political system and find it problematic in
their homogenous thinking, where they used to brutally
order gullible Ghanaians around, especially Mills and
his associates in the presidency. As much as everyone
knows, the Rawlingses deeply regret for giving up power.
And as much as everyone knows, they have to, if not,
Ghana would have gone the Liberian way.
Coming into democracy by immense pressure and accident,
the Rawlingses are allergic to the democratic values of
give-and-take-and-tolerance. Power-drunk and
control-freaks, the Rawlingses are afraid of the
on-going political equilibrium and the consequent
balances it brings to the democratic system. Inhumanly,
they want to steal the show always. They have to be
right always, no matter the situation.
The Rawlingses’ fatal hypocritical dealings with Mills
and his administration is seen in a new study of the
connection between power and hypocrisy. In a report
carried in the London, UK-based The Economist, and aptly
titled The Psychology of Power: Absolutely, Joris
Lammers (of Tilburg University, the Netherlands) and
Adam Galinsky (of Northwestern University, USA) found
out that “people with power that they think is justified
break rules not only because they can get away with it,
but also because they feel at some intuitive level that
they are entitled to take what they want.”
The Rawlingses incendiary bombasts are calculated, and
Ghanaians have to bear that in mind. Rawlings’ angry
letter and Mrs. Rawlings’ irritating posters are all
premeditated. By nature moral and intellectual
weaklings, the Rawlingses find it difficult to be
disagreed with openly – that’s their main hatred with
Mills and his associates. They wish to be a constant
presence in the Mills presidency, commanding and
controlling it. That’s why they went all out to help
Mills win the presidency. It isn’t because they love so
much.
But events have turned upside down. Mills and his group,
who project images of elitism, understand the crude
psychology of the Rawlingses very well. Particularly, in
Mills’ Vice President John Mahama, who has openly called
the undemocratic bluffs of the Rawlingses. A new
political culture is being cooked within the NDC that
will ultimately make the NDC more democratic and that
will affect Ghanaian citizens.
Having ruled for almost 20 years, the Rawlingses aren’t
as simple as both the NDCs and Ghanaians imagine them to
be. Let ex-President John Kufour tell you the problems
the Rawlingses gave him in his eight years in power. The
Rawlingses power equation, mired in irrational
traditional superstitions, isn’t difficult to solve and
isn’t as easy as most Ghanaians picture it to be. The
Mills faction knows this pretty well and their ability
to intellectually take-on the Rawlingses is responsible
for the near-perpetual wailing from the hysterically and
psychiatrically disordered Rawlingses.
Added to their rough politics that border on threats to
the Mills regime and Ghana, is their ability to use the
mass media to their advantage. Let's consider this: why
should the Rawlingses behave like this inside and
outside the NDC hyperbole? Who are the Rawlingses? What
do they think they are? What is it that the Rawlingses
want from the NDC and Ghanaians? What is it that they're
attempting to achieve almost 20 years after being in
power? In the Rawlingses, the Ghanaian infant democracy
isn’t only complicated but under threat and will need
massively skillful help from committed democrats from
across the political spectrum.
*Kofi Akosah-Sarpong is journalist and academic.
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