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The Nuisance of the Rawlingses
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
Nana Konadu Agyeman, the
hawkish wife of ex-President Jerry Rawlings, has written
to the diplomatic community and some international
organizations that the impending December 7 general
elections will descend into civil war (Daily Guide, 28
October, 2008).
The Rawlingses appear not to have faith in the electoral
system (and other state institutions) and have been
heckling the Electoral Commission despite contrary view
by the rest of Ghanaians and the international
community. No doubt, on campaign trails most of the
Rawlingses’ statements are ridden with violent thoughts,
incitements, doom, and unpeacefulness. They rarely talk
about issues as to how they will solve Ghanaians’
numerous problems some of which have been worsened by
them during their almost 20-year rule.
The Rawlingses actions reveal the complicated nature and
the dilemma of navigating the democratic process in the
run-up to the December elections. Part of the reasons
for the Rawlingses’ complications is that they were
formed in high military (AFRC/PNDC) and one-party (NDC-phase
1) political diets part of which ingredients were
“chaos,” “recklessness,” “fear,” “harassment,” “doom,”
and “panic.”
Talks circulating within political circles in Accra and
Kumasi are that the Rawlingses, universally known as
power-drunk, are bent on coming back to power by using
their virtually hand-picked John Atta-Mills, the
manipulable presidential candidate of main the
opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC), which the
Rawlingses own, as a front.
Despite their deniability, the Rawlingses are believed
to be plotting a Kenyan-style “power-sharing,” in the
event of loosing the December 7 general elections, with
the NPP.
From their gloomy imaginations, the Rawlingses think the
Election Commission, which was set-up by them and which
has repeatedly stated that their system is rig-proof
(and has been collaborated by international election
experts), will rig the elections for the ruling New
Patriotic Party (NPP) and in the ensuing crisis plunge
Ghana into bloodshed.
Why the EC will do this in the context of the knowledge
that the West African sub-region is still politically
shaky and democracy not consolidated is unclear.
How the Rawlingses came by such a disturbing conclusion
against the backdrop of various vigilant security
structures, institutions, increasingly awakening elites,
non-governmental organizations, the watchful mass media,
and international bodies’ borders not only on profound
exasperation but also their disbelief in Ghanaians’
civilization and Ghanaians’ long-running abilities to
conduct peaceful elections for the past 16 years.
The Rawlingses’ psychology underpinning such actions is
mired in their trademark diatribes, “attacks,”
misinformation, “lies,” fear-mongering, chronic
complainers, doom-mongering, recklessness, “incitement,”
“threats,” and “harassment.” But their current action is
incomprehensible. For if any Ghanaian has any grave
criminal allegation against anybody or institution, as
the Rawlingses claim, you report it to the appropriate
state institution for redress, more so as former rulers
who should know better.
The Rawlingses actions, whether altruistic or not, is
coloured by their incessant heavy heckling of the
democratic process, their spiritual wish that the NPP
regime is overthrown, and their image that only they can
rule a “troubled Ghana” well. This is against the fact
that in their almost 20 years rule the Rawlingses, as
the Accra-based The Statesman editorialized, had “poor
economic management, human rights abuses, murder of
innocent Ghanaians, unparalleled corruption, brandishing
of AK 47 assault rifles by operatives of the PNDC/NDC
governments.”
Though they left power in 2000, they still behave like
they are still in power. The Rawlingses have become some
sort of monarch of all that survey of the Ghanaian
political vista and have established some sort of
parallel intelligence network that spy on the ruling NPP
and other state structures and private institutions, and
use the information to scramble the democratic process.
When Jerry Rawlings called parallel national security
meeting with his then ex-security chiefs in his house
recently part of the unspoken signal ostensibly was that
it was to tell Ghanaians that there are two governments
- the Rawlingses and the NPP. No doubt, ever since the
Rawlingses left power in 2000, they have been operating
some sort of a shadow government, issuing parallel
national statements and orders on various state issues
in contradiction to that of the state’s legal statutes.
Some Western diplomats in Accra are said to be perplexed
by the Rawlingses actions in the face of an NPP regime
that is stuck in a dilemma and do not know what to do
with the Rawlingses’ never-ending taunts of the state
under the guise of the democratic process that they
appear not to understand. Their mentality is more or
less still the same old, same old military AFRC and PNDC
and the one-party NDC-phase 1.
The Rawlingses behaviour, in the face of functioning
state structures, some of which were either weakened or
destroyed under them, looks like the late prominent Afro
beat musician, the radical Fela Anikpula Kuti and his
outfit “Kulakuta Republic,” which was troubling the
Nigerian state to the extent that the then Nigerian
government of General Olusegun Obasanjo, through the law
courts, banned it as a “republic within a republic” that
undermines the existence of the Nigerian state.
The Rawlings aside, none of the presidential candidates,
better educated and much more thoughtful, for the
up-coming December 7 general elections, behaves like the
Rawlingses, who aren’t presidential candidates, despite
sometimes veering from the normally heated political
campaigning and engaging in venomous, vitriolic and
radically divisive political rhetoric.
Either by providence or accident, the Rawlingses, who
ruled Ghana for almost 20 years, is increasingly
becoming a troubling issue bordering on helplessness and
mindlessness. The Rawlingses have simultaneously become
a reflection of Ghana’s crudeness, psychic disturbances,
and strenuous attempts to refine some aspects of the
system. Restless, constantly whining, sometimes it
appears as if the Rawlingses are the presidential
candidates of the NDC and not the boring Atta-Mills.
Nana Konadu Agyemang once entertained the idea of ruling
Ghana after her husband’s term expired in 2000.
At higher thinking, by bypassing traditional rulers,
through the National House of Chiefs, the last source of
Ghanaians’ solace in such grave charges of the NPP
rigging the December 7 general elections, Ghana has big
problem in dealing with the Rawlingses in maintaining
stability and growing democracy.
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong,
Canada, October 31, 2008
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