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Voter Registration and Coup Talks
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
As Mauritania’s coup detat and coup attempt at Guinea
Bissau indicate there are still heavy dose of military
coup detat hangover dangling in the West African society
– a leading region of coups in Africa. And that may
explain why a long-running Ghanaian politician thinks
some of Ghana’s on-going voter registration challenges
are recipe for coup detat, as if anywhere in the world
there are no such electoral lapses and that Ghana is so
weak that such minute lapses necessitates coup detat.
Maybe Ghana is out of the global electoral process, as,
Dr. Obed Asamoah, comptroller of the obscure Democratic
Freedom Party, thinks. Even in 2000 the United States of
America elections where chad problems created terrible
troubles and led the election results taken to the US
Supreme Court for resolution, that proclaimed George
Bush president, there was no mention of coup detats by
any of the US politicians as Asamoah says of Ghana. By
linking some of the voter registration challenges to
vain coup talk, Asamoah reveals his weaknesses in
appropriating the democratic process in resolving
electoral challenges.
Asamoah thinks the few double voter registrations and
children registering are potent for coup making, as if
such exercises are free of such uncivil practices
through out the world. Such thought may explain
Asamoah’s political psychology and his weak grasp of
democratic characteristics. Said Asamoah, who has being
in the Ghanaian political scene for the past 30 years
but have not shown any remarkable insight, “accusations
and counter accusations between the New Patriotic Party
(NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) over
the voter registration exercise can create an atmosphere
for a coup d'etat in the country.”
Actually in Ghana’s rough-and-tumbled political history
voter registration challenges have not sparked coup
detat but coup makers can give any weird reasons for
toppling a democratic regime. In a country where the
elites haven’t had total grasp of the nation-state and
have enabled coups to occur, pretty much of the reasons
for military coup detats have ranged from dictatorship
(as President Kwame Nkrumah was accused of), moral
issues (as Gen. Kutu Acheampong was accused of),
incompetence (as President Hilla Liman was accused of),
and weaknesses (as Prime Minister Dr. Kofi Busia was
accused of).
Despite such worthless reasons, almost all these
military take over weren’t necessary if the democratic
process were allowed to work out its internal
contradictions, as all democracies through the world do.
Gen. Acheampong’s overthrow of Busia was as senseless
and baseless as Ft. Lt. Jerry Rawlings’ overthrow of
Limman.
Even in relation to Ghanaian traditional values, as
Maxwell Owusu, of the University of Michigan, explains
in “Rebellion, Revolution, and Tradition: Reinterpreting
Coups in Ghana,” traditional institutions such as the
militant Asafo organizations overthrow rulers who have
violated traditional governance norms and values such as
“not been accountable to the people.” That happens in
traditional democracy where the changes are done
democratically.
But the issues with the voter double/child registration
have more to do with society’s indiscipline (or rather
misunderstanding of the democratic process) and weak
institutional watchdogs than the wrong doing of
politicians. This doesn’t call for military coup detats
in the face of Ghana’s emerging democracy, as Asamoah,
whose mind is mired in long-running military juntas and
one-party regimes of which he was part, says.
While the other small parties such as Asamoah’s have
accused the big parties such as the NPP and NDC of being
responsible for the voter registration troubles, the
onus rests with all the parties, civil society and state
institutions such as the National Commission for Civic
Education. While institutions such as the Ghana Armed
Forces have not said anything about the voter
registration issue a la Turkey, where the Armed Forces
teleguide its democracy, the Ghanaian democratic process
necessitates traditional institutions, civil society and
the mass media doing so and bringing any wrong doing
into the public domain, as some have done.
That makes Asamoah’s thinking that "We are creating an
atmosphere of tension in the country and there is danger
ahead of us. There is also an added danger of creating a
conducive atmosphere for coup makers to justify the
seizure of power" unintelligible in the context of
Ghana’s history, values and experiences in relation to
the global electoral processes. The central issue isn’t
the Electoral Commission facing problems, the central
concern is that the EC isn’t “being transparent as to
the availability of resources for the success of the
exercise” foretold how detailed and prepared are the
political parties in watching the EC and advising it in
advance in relation to the democratic process.
That make Asamoah and other politicians as faulty as the
EC in Asamoah’s accusations that the “electoral frauds
like double registration and abuse of the process would
endanger the exercise and affect the upcoming general
elections.” And you deal with such problems
democratically without even having thoughts of military
coup detat.
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong, Canada,
August 12, 2008
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