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2008 anti-corruption campaign
platform for Ghana collapses in Norway
Edward Osom
Just when you thought those flimsy allegations of
corruption charges against President Kufuor were stacked
up at center stage ready for the 2008 elections, here
comes a more potent one from Norway to upset it all.
Ex President Rawlings, his wife and P. V. Obeng have
been allegedly mentioned in an ongoing corruption and
bribery case in Norway.
To put the preceding in context, Rawlings, on the basis
of sheer rumor, has often referred to President Kufuor
as the most corrupt politician; even to the point of
naming him Ata Ayi, after one of the most notorious
armed robbers in Ghana’s history.
Now it seems the Norway case may make Rawlings’
accusation against the president look piddling in
comparison. The former President who, on two occasions
of bloody revolutions, shot his way to political
prominence, has been linked to a bribery scandal
unfolding in a court in Norway.
In that court case, SCANCEN, the mother company of
GHACEM, Ghana’s major manufacturer of cement, is suing a
former employee, a Norwegian, for embezzlement and the
man has been talking.
He is Tor Egil Kjelsaas. The case against him began in
October 2005, and it has led to the uncovering of a huge
bribery scheme, alleged to involve some West African
Heads of States. The scheme is said to have granted
SCANCEM and her associate companies a huge monopoly on
cement manufacturing and distribution in certain parts
of Africa.
Tor Kjelsaas was the point man for SCANCEM in Africa and
it was through his agency that the bribery monies were
distributed.
So far two bank accounts, one at Unibank S.A. Luxemburg
and the other at Barclays Bank S.A. in Geneva,
Switzerland, have been identified as depositories for
paid bribes to the Ghanaian interest.
It is alleged that during the regime of Jerry Rawlings,
between 1993 and 1998 alone, a total of US$4,150 million
was paid into these depositories; US$1,690,000 was paid
into the Barclays Bank account while the sum of
US$2,460,000 went into the Unibank account during the
same period.
Court proceedings show that SCANCEM claims that the
money in the Barclays Bank account went to favor Nana
Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, the then First Lady of Ghana,
and the sum in the Unibank account went to P.V. Obeng,
once a top advisor to the Rawlings regime.
P. V. Obeng is reported, by an investigative reporter
for a Norwegian magazine, to have admitted that the
monies paid into his account were for "purely
consultancy services."
This open admission admits one thing; that one of the
overseas accounts exists. The charges by SCACEM,
therefore, cannot be entirely empty or frivolous at this
point.
But, this admission, as a defense strategy, cannot meet
the smell test because of conflict of interest. P. V.
Obeng’s position as a special advisor to a sitting
president, during the same period the charges refer to,
should not have allowed such consultancy.
SCANCEM, through a representative in Ghana, has insisted
in court that bribes were paid during this period to
high officials, including Rawlings, his wife and P. V.
Obeng. Since the latter has spoken, we should expect to
hear from the former president and his wife soon.
The wait for Rawlings to speak should also allow
Ghanaians the opportunity to compare Kufuor’s supposed
criminality, as charged by Rawlings, to the alleged
corruption implied in the ongoing case in Norway.
Were we to use Rawlings’ standard test for corruption,
which usually was rumor based, we would enact instant
and bloody punishment, as witnessed by the victims of
the 1981 coup. Rawlings would have been pronounced
guilty and dead by now.
However, we believe in due process of the law. The trial
in Norway must proceed and the government of Ghana
should be duty bound to ask for a representation in that
court, preferably by a competent Norwegian lawyer.
In Ghana, we should busy ourselves with comparisons of
“Kufuor Gate” and this “Cement Gate” which has a good
chance to become a political albatross for Rawlings and
the NDC in 2008.
The worse offence for “Kufuor Gate” would have been a
charge of influence peddling against his son. Even so,
the loans to build the hotel were legally made and were
traceable to local banks, not to some undisclosed
offshore accounts.
“Cement Gate”, however, presents a different face. The
possible charges against Rawlings and company would be
corruption, influence peddling, abuse of the powers of
the presidency and economic subversion of the state.
The money for “Kufuor Gate” went to build a hotel, a
real asset which will continue to augment the economy of
the nation for as long as its doors remain open. Not so
for “Cement Gate”.
In “Cement Gate”, the gains were personal and were until
lately hidden in offshore accounts. Even after a
successful or unsuccessful trial, the benefits to Ghana
would still remain murky; the only certainty to glean
would be the monies siphoned from so many Ghanaians for
bribes paid into the offshore accounts.
But the most galling point about “Cement gate” would the
meaning of it all. The so called moral crusaders, the
protectors of the revolutionary way of life, who are now
the paid enforcers of corruption.
So each time you bought a bag of cement or paid rent
during the periods covering the J.J’s revolution and
administration, part of the proceeds went to corrupt
officials you ignorantly believed were virtuous. Could
there be an irony that hurts more than this?
Edward Osom, Washington, DC, July 24, 2007
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