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WHEN WILL DAGOMBAS BE ALLOWED TO VOTE ON
PERFORMANCE/DEVELOPMENT?
By Asare Otchere-Darko
April 5, 2011
The Wuaku Commission report, submitted in November 2002, stated:
“Having considered the totality of evidence before the
Commission, we have come to the conclusion that the events that
took place in Yendi on 25th, 26th, and 27th March, 2002, were
criminal acts of an act of war fought between two Gates for
which individuals from both Gates are blameable.”It further
found that “the illegal stockpiling of arms and ammunitions by
both Abudu and Andani royal families and sympathisers made it
easier for them to resort to violence.”
History tells us that in the 14th century Na Gbewaa established
the ancient Kingdom of Greater Dagbon with Pusiga as the
capital. His death resulted in a power struggle which saw one of
his sons, Zirli murdering his brother, Kufogu in order to assume
the skin. That historical account informs us that the killing of
Prince Kufogu led to a full-blown war, which ended in the
break-up of the Greater Dagbon Kingdom.
Na Gbewaa’s other sons, moved southwards to modern day Northern
Region to establish the Mamprusi Kingdom, the Nanun Kingdom and
the Dagbon Kingdom. Apparently it was to stop the situation
where brothers fought against each other for the skin that after
the reign of Na Yakubu 1 (1799-1839), that eligibility was
limited to the two gates of Abudu and Andani. Ironically, Na
Yakubu I got into power as a result of a brutal attack by his
nephew, Yelizoli Lana Lagfu on Ya Na SumanZoli, causing the
death of the Ya Na.
Since then there have been centuries of a series of disputes
over the succession, with both Gates believing very strongly in
their respective cases. The reality of the modern political
system is such that since the 1950s the two Gates have aligned
themselves with political authorities from Accra, CPP or UP in
the past, NDC and NPP today. My question is: how has this
enhanced the collective interest of Dagbon and her people? How
has the great ancient Kindgom been able to optimise its
development leverage over the period and could the unrealised
economic potential of Dagbon be traced to this ancient rift
among brothers? With the youth of Dagbon, from both Gates, being
the main instruments of the violent expression of this ancient
rift, what does the future hold for Dagbon? What kind of future
is this generation of Dagbon building?
On Friday, I supported the assurance from the President that the
state would not relent in efforts to find the killers of Ya Na.
To countenance such impunity, especially in a system of
rotational succession, would set a very bad precedent.
Two fundamental questions must, however, be asked. One, has a
decision been taken that all those identified to have committed
crimes during those three dark days in Yendi, including causing
harm and death to people other than the Ya Na, whether Abudus,
Andanis or of whichever stock, are not to be prosecuted? Two, is
the search for peace and reconciliation in Dagbon strictly
predicated on finding the killer(s) of Ya Na, as stated by
President Mills?
The title of this short article poses a profound question which
the Danquah Institute want all Dagombas to chew on. Buried in
the psyche of the Ghanaian is that urge to be imprisoned by the
passed if not the past. We are quick to want to find a person
(usually a witch) to blame for any death even where the person
died from AIDS brought about by reckless promiscuity.So how much
more when the dead is a powerful traditional ruler, who was
killed -- died in broad day light in a hail of bullets? The
Andanis cannot be faulted for feeling the way they do. However,
the rest of us should be careful of feeding the emotional
reservoir of this understandable Andani feeling of betrayal and
injustice with potentially false hope.
What is the way forward? Though, those of us not connected to
Dagbon may lack the full emotional appreciation of the
situation, that should not stop us from helping our brothers and
sisters to deal with it in a way constructive, which can help
them move forward. Expressing sensitivity to the peculiar
contemporary grievances of the Andanis should not be reduced to
feeding them with false hope.
The key to this is for Dagombas from both sides to say to the
politicians: stay out of our family issue! Give us the space and
unalloyed support to sort it out among ourselves. Going by 21st
century events alone, it appears, arguably, relatively easier
for the Abudus to make overtures than the Andanis who are,
understandably, keen to see the perpetrators of Ya Na
YakubuAndaniII’s untimely death faced justice. Crucial to this
is the element of trust. This element of trust is endangered by
the biases of incumbent governments for or against a particular
Gate. I wish the nation’s mind could concentrate on this issue:
For how long would politicians say the kind of things and do the
kind of sectarian politics that compel Abudus and Andanis to
limit their voting options to sectarian considerations which
often work against their collective wellbeing and development?If
there can be no peace without justice then should justice be
narrowly limited to finding the killers of Ya Na? Should this be
the view of Government?
Disappointed Andanis have been on record as saying that they
voted NDC because the party promised to find the killers of Ya
Na. In the face of this embarrassing attempt of a prosecution,
the NDC continues to offer such assurances. The manifestation of
an assurance given would be determined by due process. It is
that fact which should inform the President about the need to be
circumspect and realistic in making statements such as “finding
the killers of Ya Na is more important than building bridges or
judicial freedom.”
Is the task of building bridges among Dagombas not equally
important and more so in securing a better future for the
living? The way and manner we go about finding the alleged
killers may even either help or undo any peace process.
Nana Akufo-Addo’s view that“there is today a growing recognition
that we may seek lasting justice for old disputes by not
necessarily recounting our steps in a complex effort to undo
some of the old ills afflicted on either side of the conflict,”
is a profound one that requires deeper reflection by all sides
of all old conflicts in Ghana.
One cannot fault his other point that the rich Western nations
that many of our fellow citizens go to as their destination of
choice as emigrants have more than their fair share of ancient
stories of gross injustice inflicted by one group on another.
Yet, “their determination to modernise their societies and
transform the lives of their people have more than served as a
pacifying neutraliser. Even where advancement has not erased
their memory, the comfort of prosperity has helped them to take
a philosophical view of the circumstances that fed the old
conflicts.”
For how long would the voting preferences of Dagombas be made
based not on the imperatives of development and prosperity but
on who would be loudest in giving sectarian promises to any of
the two Gates? For how long would Dagbon’s development be
subservient to the old sectarian dispute of succession?
As the Mills administration continues to search for the killers
of the Ya Na, the Danquah Institute will urge Government to
inject more urgency into satisfying the development imperatives
of the North. The task of accelerating the development of that
important part of the country will go a very long way to
bringing lasting peace and reconciliation.
Let us apply more urgency in the things of collective interest
to the people of Dagbon.
The author is the Executive Director of the Danquah
Institute, an Accra based think tank.
Gabby Asare Otchere-Darko
The author is the Executive Director of the Danquah
Institute, a policy think tank.
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