|
Be Conscious of the “African Neocolonialists” and Nudge
Them Out
By Kofi Nsia-Pepra, Ph.D.
Systematically suppressed, marginalized, economically
raped, brutalized, violated and dehumanized, the
agonized African populace achieved independence at the
peril of their life. Africa breezed into the
post-independence era with a swagger optimistic of
emancipating the masses from the clutches of poverty,
brutality, political and social marginalization. These
hopes and visions were encapsulated in the rhetoric of
the post-immediate independent African leadership such
as Nkrumah’s “Ghana is free for ever” and Sekou Toure’s
“ Freedom in poverty over wealth in slavery.” The people
swore “never again” would they return to the detestable
experiences of colonialism but little did they know that
this was an illusion.
Africa today is under the despicable,
amoral mercenaric siege of both foreign and “home-brewed
African” neocolonialists. Neo-colonialism (defined by
Free Merriam Webster Dictionary) is the economic and
political policies by which a great power indirectly
maintains or extends its influence over other areas or
people. Nkrumah in his book, Neocolonialism, the Last
Stage of Imperialism in 1965 articulates how the
machinations of foreign capitalists’ monopoly perpetuate
the paradox of Africa –Poverty in the Midst of Plenty.
It examines the exploitative relationship between these
major powers and Africa, especially the masses,
increasing the poverty gap between the rich and poor
states.
There are tons of literatures on great powers
neocolonialism of Africa and this article contributes to
the discourse focusing on the “home brewed African
neocolonialists” who have robed the garb of the major
power neocolonialists. There are two strands of home
brewed “African neocolonialists”– the corrupt political
despots and public servants that economically rape,
exploit, and deny the majority of the African populace
their basic human rights.
Almost all of these African despots are self proclaimed
life time presidents with messianic missions to redeem
their people and therefore indispensable. Liberation, in
their own parochialism, hinges on centralized
dictatorial power at the expense of the legitimate will
and rights of their people. The political system is
virtually ossified in almost African states, dissent is
stifled, freedom of political expression suppressed and
human rights denied negating the possibilities of
peaceful democratic change of governments. As the rule
of law fades with judicial corruption and official
intrusion, people, especially the opposition, are denied
their legitimate rights to due processes of law and
political participation. The paid cohorts of these
despots use intimidations and atrocious violence to
suppress opposition. In the absence of rule of law
coupled with draconian measures to suppress opposition,
the agonized African populace is seized with fear,
dismay, and a sense of helplessness and hopelessness for
the future.
There is pervasive corruption and nepotism at all levels
of government that breed cronyism that overrides
meritocracy in awarding official positions and contracts
adversely affecting professional efficiency in our
institutions. Public confidence in government is at its
lowest ebb. African political history is awash with
leadership corruption. Boginy’s wealth was estimated
between 7-11 billion US dollar and Mobutu’s estimated
wealth was $5 billion. Bernard Kouchner, a minister in
the government of former France President Francois
Mitterrand, referred to Mobutu as “a walking bank vault
with a leopard-skin cap." On Nigeria’s Sani Abacha,
Raymond Baker in a paper- Money Laundering and Flight
Capital: The Impact on Private Banking, wrote “the
biggest single thief in the world in the 1990s was
almost certainly the late military dictator, Sani Abacha,
with $12 to $16 billion passing out of Nigeria in
corrupt and tax evading money during his murderous five
year regime.” In the pursuit of his self-succession
agenda, Abacha eliminated Pro-Democracy activists and
other opponents such as Ken Saro Wiwa that shocked the
conscience of the civilized world.
Similarly, Idi Amin’s eight-year reign
of terror in Uganda encompassed widespread killing,
torture of farmers, students, clerks and shopkeepers by
the dreaded Public Safety Unit and the State Research
Bureau. The cost estimate of the coronation of Bokassa
as emperor of the Central African Republic was $22
million in a country where the average annual wage was
$122. The Extravagant ceremony included a two-ton throne
and a $750,000 crown encrusted with 2,000 diamonds, and
450 pounds of rose petals to be strewn before the
emperor and his empress. The Mubarak family is said to
have approximately 70 billion dollars deposited in
secret banks accounts in British and Swiss banks, (The
Guardian).
Another strand of the “home –brewed
neocolonialists” is the corrupt officials in our public
institutions whose privileged positions are sustained by
the blood and toil of the majority poor they exploit.
Corruption has eaten deep into the fabric core of the
African societies. In Ghana, almost all of our
institutions (political, judiciary, health, education,
police, customs, and immigration) are corrupted with
damaging consequences on human rights and good
governance. The unheralded nauseating prevalence of
corruption in Ghana mocks and raises doubt about our
over-trumpeted democracy since corruption entails
undemocratic ramifications that correlate with poor
governance. Most painfully, the very poor whose blood
and toil sustain our economic survival are rather those
who bear the brunt of corruption and consequentially
denied their rights to equal opportunities to human
development. In a system where justice can be bought
through judicial corruption, only the rich can exercise
their rights to due processes of law. The poor majority
are denied this inalienable right because they cannot
afford to bribe their way through. The agonized and
dismayed majority poor are similarly denied their right
to equal opportunities to education, health and other
rights guaranteed in the United Nations International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and United
Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights due to institutionalized corruption in
all spheres of life in Ghana. Ghana is ranked 130 out of
169 countries in the 2010 Human Development Report.
A dramatic restructure of the status quo is the ultimate
and can only be effected by the oppressed. The Egyptian
revolution is a clarion call to the people of Africa to
wake up from their slumber to hound out leaders who toy
with their destinies. The Iranian opposition leader, Mr
Hossain Mousavi, said “If governments do not listen to
the legitimate demands of their people, the people would
have no option but to call for their downfall” (BBC
Persian Service reported on January 28, 2011). The
marginalized, agonized African populace can only change
the status quo through the only weapon they wield-
positive civil disobedience or nonviolent activism as
acknowledged by President Obama in praising the tenacity
and bravery of the Egyptian people. “Egyptians have
inspired us” he said. “For in Egypt, it was the moral
force of nonviolence, not mindless killing … that bent
the arch of history toward justice once more.” The
continent’s beleaguered and disempowered populace need
to initiate a potent political platform to confront the
corrupt authoritarian leaders and public officials whose
diabolical actions have exploited, dehumanized the
masses and led their countries to the tortuous path of
economic, political, social failures that propel their
states into senseless wars.
The corrupt elite must be made to understand that the
tenets of the “old order” are no longer tenable and an
historic epoch has been reached in African politics
symbolized by the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions
where the will and dignity of the ordinary people
supersede the parochial desires of the corrupt officials
and authoritarian leadership. This historic opportunity
must be seized perpetually and diligently fuelled to
institutionalize incorrigible social, economic and
political institutions, freedom and justice, respect for
human rights, probity and accountability and equal
opportunities for all irrespective of our tribal,
religious, gender and social differences. Truly the
voice of the people rings louder than the forces of
destruction and ours must be heard. I am confident we
cannot afford the luxury of bequeathing to the next
generation and those unborn the legacy of exploitation,
second class citizenry, corruption, violation of human
rights and injustices, nepotism, politics of
marginalization and divisions along ethnic fault lines
that are recipes for African civil wars. But if we fail
and let this historic window of opportunity slip by
without any conscientious efforts to restore our
dignity, we shall surely be condemned deeper into the
doldrums of poverty, injustices, political brutalities,
human rights violations and the generations unborn will
condemn us. I believe we shall not fail them and will
bequeath to them a free, just and stable Africa void of
tribulations.
**Kofi Nsia-Pepra Ph.D. is Assistant Professor of
Political Science (International Relations/Comparative
politics, public policy, conflict analysis and
resolution and American politics) at Ohio Northern
University, USA. Kofi obtained his Ph.D. at Wayne State
University USA ; Master of Laws degree (International
Human Rights Law), Essex University, UK. Kofi was a
former officer of the Ghana Air Force (rank: Flight
Lieutenant) and served with United Nations Assisted
Mission in Rwanda and was Ghana Air Force detachment
Commander with ECOMOG in Sierra Leone.
Kofi Nsia-Pepra, Ph.D.
E-mail: k-nsia-pepra@onu.edu
|