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Guinea – Still Insecure at 50 years
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong* argues that despite Guinea and
Ghana being twin brothers, 50 years on, Guinea came out
defectively and is mired in long-running insecurities,
and may need Ghana’s help to secure it
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
It is pathetic for a country’s President to die and
within some few hours a military coup taking place. It
didn’t happen in Gen. Gnassingbe Eyadema’s Togo but Gen.
Sani Abacha’s Nigeria. That’s pretty much primitive in a
world of growing civility where Barack Obama, an African
(Kenyan)-American, is the President-elect of the most
powerful country in the world, the United States of
America. In Obama, the Americans have moved over from
such archaic politics by electing an African-American –
nobody thought an African-American would ever be elected
as President of the USA.
But some parts of the world are still embroiled in
diffident politics, resisting to be weaned from
baby-feeding. The Guinean military coup says a lot about
Guinea, but that’s Guinea at work. A few hours after
President Lansana Conte died; Guinea’s perennially
restless military staged a coup, throwing any
constitutional procedure to resolve the transition
process to their half of the Atlantic Ocean.
It may sound heartbreaking but that’s Guinea, and to
understand Guinea is not to be surprised by the rapid
unpalatable unfolding of its events. The Guinean events
isn’t symptomatic of Africa, it’s peculiarly Guinean
with its unique idiosyncrasies and mindset. The era of
the rest of the world saying what happens in one African
country is symptomatic of Africa is over. Despite Ghana
and Guinea being twin-brothers they are different in
their mindsets. That makes the Guinean topic different
from Zimbabwe’s quandary and Ghana’s increasing
democratic growth, progress and global respect. But some
may ask, but Guinea and Ghana are brothers!!! Yes, they
are brothers to the extent that when Ghana was very
wealthy, under First President Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana
helped Guinea with millions of dollars to achieve its
independence from France. (Nkrumah spent his 6 years in
exile in Guinea with his Pan-African brother Sekou Toure
before dying in April, 1972).
But brothers, even twins, can come out differently in
life – one doing well and the other doing deficiently;
one true itself, the other a chronic pretender. For the
past 50 years, Guinea and Ghana have come out
differently – while Ghana is rightly growing democracy,
freedoms, progress and attempting to integrate its
traditional values into its neo-liberal heritage, Guinea
isn’t, and instability, dreadful one-party systems,
long-running military juntas, unfreedoms, fear, threats
of civil war, and collapsing development institutions
are still dangling on its messed-up head.
Regardless of drawing parallels Africa-wide, the
journalist Richard Dowden (formerly of the London,
UK-based The Economist) indicates in his new Africa:
Altered States, Ordinary Miracles that each African
state should be seen not necessarily from its own
distinct milieu but also its “different misgovernment.”
While Ghana is progressively learning from its years of
misgovernment and enlarging democracy and freedoms,
Guinea, its twin brother, appears retarded and should be
seen simultaneously in its own environment and its
leaders/elites unique lack of common sense.
Despite starting on brilliant note on October 2, 1958,
at the cost of the instantaneous termination of all
French assistance, when first President Ahmed Sékou
Touré took a famous exceptional path and called the
bluff of French President Charles de Gaulle’s referendum
given French colonies the choice between immediate
independence or retaining their colonial status.
With independence, Guinea pursued a mixture Soviet-type
radical socialism and Pan Africanism without any hint of
flexibility in its development process. Ghana had
wrongly done so but Ghana has moved on big time from
years stupidity and intellectual weaknesses. While Ghana
experienced 21 years military juntas and 6 years of
one-party systems and has moved on, driving enviable
democratic ethos, Guinea is still enmeshed in almost 50
years of military juntas and one-party systems with the
shocking December 23, 2008 military coup that enlarges
its misgovernment.
Toure effectively shut Guinea out from the rest of
world’s development process. Practically, that started
Guinea’s befuddled state under the brutally tyrannical
grip of Toure who suppressed democratic aspirations,
raised tribalism dangerously high, muzzled freedoms,
killed the rule of law, and effectively asphyxiated
Guinea’s progress. Disturbing ethnicity became the order
of the day, undermining Guinea’s Pan-Africanism image,
and seeing Toure, a Mandingo, effectively killing and
scattering the increasingly progressive Fulah ethnic
group, who form about 40 percent of the Guinean
population.
Till he died in 1984, Toure didn’t demonstrate any grasp
of Guinea - forget about his Pan-Africanism philosophy
ranting - especially the appropriation of the
traditional values of the coalition of the ethnic groups
that form Guinea and its neo-liberal heritage. There
were virtually no institutional growth and the country
was increasingly decomposing gradually in the face weak
elites. Guinea endangered itself, putting the country in
some perpetual chaos. In development-speak, from scratch
Guinea was paralyzed, its soul choked, its development
engines jammed. For long, Guinea has been a depressed
nation, its innate pride and “African Personality”
ruined, and now-and-then Guineans struggling to free
themselves from this state of suspended animation.
It may sound surreal but such growing puzzlement saw
Toure blinded from appropriating the global prosperity
ideals to develop Guinea’s vastly endowed mineral wealth
(bauxite, oil, gold, diamonds, iron ore, uranium, among
others) and its remarkable agricultural potentials even
up till today. With corruption endemic and rule of law
thrown to the dogs, Guineans become the poorer, as local
and foreign investor are scared of the country, and at
the bottom of the United Nations Human Development Index
– at 167th rank out of 179 countries ranked with data in
2007.
Those who came after Toure were disaster, showing much
more misunderstanding and panic, and failing to draw
from Toure’s failures and Guinean conventional values.
In the face of misapprehension after the death of Toure,
Lansana Conté, a miliatry general and a Soussou (who
make up 20 percent of the population), assumed power in
1984, in a military coup and explosively mixed free
market policies with unfreedom, non-democratic ethos,
brutal dictatorship and tribalism. A disastrous cocktail
recipe for never-ending insecurities. President Conte
became Roman Emperor Nero, dancing through his deadly
delusions, as Guinea burns behind him.
Yes, there have been multi-party elections beginning in
1993 but they were sham, expectedly they didn’t have any
effect on Guinea. This saw intermittent threats against
the Guinean state from sections of the military,
attempted rebel invasions, and wranglings from the
opposition parties. Under President Conte Guinea had the
highest number of military mutinies and violent
demonstrations in West Africa.
With weak grasp of Guinea and insecurities widespread,
the country saw more instabilities – even at certain
points some prime ministers and state ministers were
running away from their own country in a climate of
heightened insecurities. Ministers and other state
officials were wheeling around President Conte like
buzzing insects. One day you are hired, the next day you
fired in a rapid succession – Guinea becoming
intellectually and spiritually feeble.
In 2005, Prime Minister François Lonseny Fall resigned
and sought asylum with his family in France, citing
corruption and increasing interference from President
Conte. Fall’s successor, Cellou Dalein Diallo, was
sacked on April 2006, in the face of crippling
nation-wide strikes, mass demonstrations, unfreedoms,
military coup attempts, and food shortages. The
institutions of state were deteriorating against the
backdrop of unfreedoms, deaths, scrawny elites, and, as
the Greek thinker Thucydides would say, democratic
stasis, where there were symptoms of perpetual
disturbances of individual Guineans and the Guinean
state.
Despite President Conte’s on-again, off-again agreeing
to opposition demands for broader democratic reforms and
good life, he reverted to his old confused primitive
tricks. On February 13, 2007, President Conte appointed
Eugene Camara as prime minister but yet Guinea was
boiling under insecuties. Still confused, on 26 February
2007 Conte appointed Lansana Kouyaté as prime minister
but he was fired on May 23, 2008. Kouyate was replaced
by Ahmed Tidiane Souaré who has been prime minister
since May 2008 who has surrounded to the new military
junta.
You’ve to be magician to understand all these
never-ending wheelings and dealings at President Conte’s
State House. Really, a confused nation via Conte. No
country develops under such circumstances and Guinea has
been failing for the past 50 years, riddled in immense
psychological and spiritual crisis.
Over the years insecurities become part of the Guinean
character and they have been immuned to it. Perplexed,
President Conte imposed martial laws – it was part of
his political diet. Like neighbouring Sierra Leone and
Liberia (its Mano River Union brothers), the fear have
been that Guinea would explode into civil war. In its
long smouldering civil unrests, government buildings and
properties thoughout the country were either looted or
destroyed by angry Guineans who saw nothing good in
President Conte’s Guinea. Guineans unequivocally called
on President Conté's to resign, with President Conte
surviving assassination attempts in the interim. He
became used to such deadly troubles, turning it into a
healthy political game and strangely surviving them till
being knocked down by diabetes on December 23, 2008.
Conte’s long “illness” should have let him transit power
smoothly for the good of Guineans to avoid crisis, but
he did not, a disease of Africa’s “Big Man” syndrome.
This is against African tradition. It reveals Guinea’s
long shadow of insecurities even at the point of
President Conte’s death. Conte didn’t believe in
Guineans and the fact that they a civilized lot. Once
again, like what happened after the death Toure and
Conte, the military has taken over power, dismissing the
normal constitutional process to resolve the Guinean
perennial debacle. Guinea remain uncivilized 50 years
on. Under the Guinean constitution, Aboubacar Somparé,
the Speaker of Parliament, was to assume the presidency
of the republic and a new presidential election was to
have been held within 60 days.
You don’t say this to a long disordered country and a
country which institutions are tumbling, its elites
feeble, and its mindset screwed over the years.
Nevertheless, six hours after the announcement of
President Conté's death, Captain Moussa Dadis Camara, a
junior officer who looks after procurement, announced a
coup d'état, saying that “the government and the
institutions of the Republic have been dissolved.”
Camara also announced the suspension of the constitution
“as well as political and union activity.”
You shouldn’t be surprised, that’s Guinea displaying its
ancient mindset as an immatured baby. Fifty years on as
independent, Guinea is still psychologically and
spiritually insecured, and may need superb retooling, as
a tranqualizer. But in an era of “Africa solution to
African problems,” as American University’s George
Ayittey argues, Ghana, Guinea’s twin brother, may have
to help secure Guinea, it’s insecured brother.
* Mr. Akosah-Sarpong was formerly a correspiondent
for the now defunct London, UK based West Africa
magazine based in Freetown, Sierra Leone in the 1980s
and 1990s and covered Guinea as well as Sierra Leone and
Liberia
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